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Researching the Fortress of Louisbourg National Historic Site of Canada
  Recherche sur la Forteresse-de-Louisbourg Lieu historique national du Canada


Louisbourg: A Focus of Conflict 

H E 13


Peter Bower

March 1970

Fortress of Louisbourg

Chapter VI: The New England Occupation Period

With the acquisition of Louisbourg, Warren, Pepperrell and Shirley expected the fortress would remain a permanent addition to the British colonial system. They considered the capture of Louisbourg to be merely the first step in establishing British hegemony over most of the North American continent. Yet, while they believed the acquisition of the fortress opened the whole St. Lawrence region to the British, their first task was to put Louisbourg on a sound defensive footing. This involved basically two things: to repair and improve the fortifications, and to "make proper cover for the troops, and repair the magazines, hospitals, and public buildings 'till his Majesty's pleasure shou'd be known ...." [1]

Pepperrell and Warren were positive the French would attempt to recover Louisbourg as soon as possible. In fact, they feared a major attack from France might be expected even before winter arrived. [2] However, the greatest peril for the moment apparently lay closer to hand. They had received reports that Marin's force of French and Indians was within 25 miles of the fortress.[3] Warren immediately asked Du Chambon to "send some Gentleman to immediately desire them to leave this Island & not appear on It anymore, otherwise I shall be obliged to order a Detachment to put them, & all such French as shall be found with them to the Sword." [4] Not knowing Marin had already abandoned the attempt to reach Louisbourg, Du Chambon sent a letter advising him that it was too late to save the fortress and that he had no choice but to return to Canada. [5]

The departure of the French from Louisbourg eased to some extent the difficulties of quartering the New England volunteer militia. However, most of the buildings within the fortress had been heavily damaged by the estimated 9,000 cannon balls, and 600 mortar bombs fired into the town. [6] Consequently, the engineer Bastide recommended that barracks for 600 men be erected at the Queen's Bastion as soon as possible, but observed that such work could not begin until the next year when a large stockpile of materials had been accumulated. In the meantime, Pepperrell and Warren had to lodge the men in a variety of places, including the Citadel, the convent, a small wooden barrack building erected by the New Englanders, part of the hospital, a bakehouse, a smith's shop, and a number of houses formerly belonging to French officers and civilians. [7]

Pepperrell's Council of War, which now met in the citadel, advised on July 5 that repairs to the walls and various buildings of Louisbourg should begin at once. Men from the land forces were to be engaged in this task, and a schedule of wages was established. [8] Pepperrell believed he lacked authority to draw on the various colonial governments for funds to cover the expenses of the repairs. However, Warren agreed that they should jointly "Venture to draw on the Treasury of England for as much as is absolutely necessary for a safety of the garrison till the King's pleasure shall be known." Warren hastened to add: "A very great sum cannot be expended till yt happens." [9]

After being urged by his ambitious son-in-law, Nathaniel Sparhawk, to seek the appointment as governor of Cape Breton, Pepperrell applied to Newcastle on August 10 for his support for the appointment. [10] On October 4, Pepperrell and Warren received letters from Newcastle informing them that as rewards for their distinguished services to the Crown, Warren was promoted to Admiral of the Blue and Pepperrell was created a Baronet of Great Britain. Furthermore, Warren was to be governor at Louisbourg. [11] Newcastle stressed the need for the two men to continue working harmoniously together for the safety of the acquisition. [12] Although Pepperrell was disappointed in his request for the government at Louisbourg, he demonstrated no resentment toward Warren.

After Louisbourg was captured, Pepperrell expressed his earnest desire to return to his family, the comfortable life he had left and to his business. However, since the British ministry had not had time to provide fully for the administration of Louisbourg and more especially because the regular soldiers allotted to the fortress were late in relieving the colonial volunteers. Pepperrell felt compelled to remain with his New England countrymen. As Shirley observed to Pepperrell, his departure would entail "the utmost confusion and disorder, and your King and country and own honour will suffer accordingly." [13] During the interval between the occupation of the fortress and the arrival of the news that Warren was appointed governor at Louisbourg, Pepperrell and Warren evolved a cooperative system of administration. Warren realised that so long as the fortress was occupied by a large contingent of undisciplined and increasingly disgruntled colonial irregulars, it would be necessary for them to be led by one of their own countrymen, preferably Pepperrell. Even after notice of' Warren's appointment was received, he and Pepperrell maintained their cooperative administration, which continued unmarred by any substantial difference of opinion. As a matter of course, Warren read one of Newcastle's letters to Pepperrell's Council, 

and acquainted them that as his commission for the government of this place, mentioned in the said letter, was not yet arrived, he should act in conjunction with General Pepperrell in everything for ye security and good regulation of this place. [14] 

Furthermore, Pepperrell's prestige, influence and contacts were helpful so long as the garrison relied completely on New England for all the necessities for surviving the coming winter.

Pepperrell apparently continued to preside over the Council which had met generally under the name of "Council of War" until September, after which time it was simply called  "Council". This Council advised Pepperrell and Warren on a wide range of matters, from the condition of the men and their grievances, disciplinary and security matters to the regulation of prices and taverns in Louisbourg. [15]

Newcastle made no mention of the position of lieutenant governor in his dispatches, but Pepperrell made it known that he would decline the post if it were offered to him. In fact, Colonel Hugh Warburton was appointed lieutenant governor, with a commission dated September 12, 1745. Warburton was colonel of one of the Gibraltar regiments which the ministry had designated to garrison the fortress. [16] Pepperrell wrote to Newcastle on November 15 stating that he had requested the appointment as governor because he wished to have command of a regular regiment at Louisbourg, because he anticipated having to remain at the fortress for some time, and because "I knew nothing then of Mr. Warren's desiring the  Government .... " [17] However, he renewed his request for the appointment if Warren "declines to be continued here, as he informs me he does...." [18]

Pepperrell's desire to be governor, but not to serve in an inferior capacity, was motivated by his feeling that the victorious commander of the New England forces should not be required to accept a lesser position, especially in the light of the New England criticism of his alleged submission to Warren during the siege and capitulation negotiations. Consequently, he chose to remain at Louisbourg under Shirley's commission and with Warren's agreement, acting virtually as co-governor until both men left the fortress in June, 1746.

In a sense, the cooperative administration by Warren and Pepperrell reflected the growing maturity of the colonies. The provincials were becoming ever more inclined to assert their individual and provincial requirements and aspirations and more reluctant to see their achievements and ambitions subordinated to even sporadic British direction and intervention in what they considered to be their own affairs. The capture of Cape Breton Island was in large measure a colonial achievement and colonials would be required to garrison and support the fortress for some time; consequently, they could hardly be ignored in the day-to-day administration of Louisbourg. Furthermore, the provincial volunteers were becoming extremely restive at Louisbourg. By September, they were verging on mutiny.

There were two main causes of the discontent among the provincial forces. The New Englanders felt they had been thwarted of their rightful booty, and they were opposed to having to remain at the fortress as a garrison during the winter. In addition, there were a variety of other grievances which contributed to the mutinous spirit. Pepperrell and his Council apparently recognised the manifestations of serious discontent among the land forces very soon after the fortress had capitulated. The Council advised Pepperrell on July 7 to "Write to his Excelly Govr Shirley earnestly to request of him to come to Louisbourg as soon as possible." [19] No reason was stated for asking Shirley to come to Louisbourg, but it appears the request was motivated at least in part by the dissatisfaction among the volunteers. While Shirley's ostensible reason for going to Louisbourg was to ensure that no trouble arose because of the conflict of command which had reportedly developed between Pepperrell and Warren, he was also aware of at least the possibility of serious discontent arising among the provincials, and unquestionably this knowledge contributed to his desire to visit the fortress. [20]

The volunteer militia believed that not only had they been wrongfully deprived of the plunder of the city, but also that they had been unfairly excluded from sharing in the various French prizes taken by the sea forces, most particularly the Charmante and the Notre Dame de la Dé1iverance, two East Indiamen captured on August 3 and 13 respectively. These two ships alone were reputed to be worth more than £500,000 sterling. [21] Apart from the large amount of bullion aboard the prizes, the Charmante carried "a Vast Quantity of Pepper. Embroider'd Cambricks. Sattins East India Handkerchiefs etc." [22] and the Notre Dame de la Déliverance had "on board... a Cargo of Cocoa, Peruvian Wool, and Jesuits Bark ...." [23] One of the New England volunteer militia captains, Thomas Waldron, bitterly commented to his father that,

Commodore Warren shares 1/8 Part of Every Prize taken by any Vessel Under his Command... for which he never wett his fingers had the wind blown two hours Longer the Day She [Charmant] appear'd off the harbour she would have Come in & then she would have been the Prize of ye American's but it did not -- 'tis Galling to Little minds (who Consider Not that the World is Govern'd by an all wise God) that the army should bath fight for & afterwards Guard the City & yet they have none of the Plunder [sic] Prizes which Cost the Men of War nothing more than to go & meet them which we could do was. the City afloat .... [24]

Contributing to the general discontent, "there is No Harmony between ye Marine officer & N[ew] E[ngland] ones ...." as Waldron informed his father in Portsmouth. 

I take it to be because one Stands on what they have Done & ye others on what they are men with ye Kings Commission one of the [marines] Has been Pleas'd to tell ye French Officers that He was ye first man that went into ye Grand Battery Alp, which was absolutely false for not one man was ashore from ye Ships till 4 days after another of them told them that He had stay'd 17 Nights in ye trenches which was as false for he was never there but twice and both times Staid not above 1/2 an hour in ye Whole .... [25]

Members of the land and sea forces each claimed the principal credit for the reduction of the fortress, much to their mutual irritation. [26] Numerous minor scuffles probably occurred between the men of the two forces, and on August 9, after a general muster had been sounded, a serious fracas ensued when a naval captain caned a provincial volunteer, who struck the captain in return. Dudley Bradstreet recorded in his diary that there "arose a Great Disturbance between ye men of wars men & our men which was Exceeding hot. [27] Chaplain Williams observed that "Swords were drawn but no life Lost -- but Great uneasiness, is caused -- I pray God -- to calm the minds of all in the Army and fleet and Give prudence to the officers...." [28]

Reminders of death and destruction faced the provincials at almost every turn. On July 15, two bodies were discovered floating in the harbour, "which doubtless were Kill'd at the I-land Battery ... one had his head took off He had a Wescoat Butten'd about Him. The Other was Naked. His flesh was Much Bruised of against the Rocks or Else Eat by the fish. who they are is not known." [29] The French graveyard had been uncovered, and "Sculs & other Bones Lay upon ye Ground." [30] An unknown diarist recorded that "the french Having Occasion for Earth to fortifie them-selves and it being Easiest Digging there [in the graveyard], They had taken Earth from that place which uncoverld Many Coffins. and Bones etc." [31] The same diarist noted that a great deal of blood was spattered over the fortress walls from the siege period. [32] 

Disease began to carry off the provincials in increasingly great numbers, contributing to their growing sense of desolation. Some of their diaries are filled with descriptions of deaths and funerals. The journal of Chaplain Stephen Williams makes dismal reading in particular, being crammed with references to death and disease. [33] As J.S. McLennan wrote:

Louisbourg at its best was a town of narrow streets and lanes. The interruption of ordinary life of the siege had resulted in an accumulation of filth that turned- the town into a midden. The change from sleeping in the open, to infected barracks and houses was unwholesome [for the New Englanders] .... [34]

Even the hospital was intolerable, and Reverend Williams noted that the "smell was so Nauseous that I could not tarry ...." [35]

Sickness spread rapidly through the provincial forces in the close quarters of the fortress, fostered by poor hygiene and polluted wells. Diet deficiencies also contributed to the ill-health of the colonials. The Council was acutely aware of the need to provide fresh provisions for the men, but the difficulties of obtaining and transporting such foodstuffs, especially during the winter, forced the Council to concentrate on obtaining "fresh provisions for the sick in the army in lieu of their allowance of salt provisions..." [36] Nevertheless, these efforts proved inadequate to meet even the requirements
of the sick.

Much of the scrub forest surrounding Louisbourg had burned during the siege, contributing to the problems of obtaining sufficient firewood for the fortress, especially since the weather turned foul immediately after the capitulation. The bad weather increasingly became one of the worst enemies of the New Englanders as their shattered accommodations quickly proved inadequate to meet even the conditions of the early autumn. [37] By the end of December, George Scott, the Barrack Master, informed Pepperrell that there was "not one Stick of Wood to burn" in the hospital, [38] a cold and damp building under the best of conditions. 

The prevailing illness at Louisbourg appears to have been a form of dysentery, called the "bloody fluxes" by the provincials, the symptoms of which included severe nausea, cramps, headaches, fever and bloody stools. [39] The shortage of fresh 'provisions, the infestations of lice and fleas, and inadequate supplies of medicine [40] to relieve the agony of the sick prompted a diarist to write:

it's an Awful and Disstressing time with Us in this Citty. and when I Call to Mind what God had Done for Us Heretofore. I've been Ready to Say in words Much like to Sampsons in Judah 15. 18 Lord thou hast givin this Great Deliverence into the Hands of these Thy Servants and now Shall they Die by the pestilence.... [41]

Pepperrell described to Shirley the piteous condition of the men, who were "in want of almost all the necessarys of life, cloathing of all sorts more especially, great numbers of the people being almost naked ..."[42] .... Even the clothing supplies which had arrived proved to be almost worthless, being too small in quantity and frequently the wrong size. A contemporary historian, Dr. William Douglass, provides a vivid picture of the situation at Louisbourg: 

After we got into the town, a sordid indolence or sloth, for want of discipline, induce d putrid fevers and dysentries, which at length in August became contagious, and the people died like rotten sheep; thus destroy'd or rendered incapable of duty one half of our militia. [43]

The volunteers were required to purchase their own food and clothing through the commissaries of the forces. [44] As Shirley pointed out to Newcastle in a letter during early October, the volunteers had provided themselves with clothing which had been ruined in the hard service of the siege, but their pay "was at the same Time such as not to allow them to buy the Cloaths they stood in need of.... " [45] As for food, even when it was available in some quantity, many of the men were unable to pay for it. Chaplain Williams noted:

I p[er]ceive more companys of men come down -- and vessels from n[ew] England with live Stock [such] as cattle -- Sheep -- fowls but I dont See how the poor people -- are able to buy -- I mean the Soldiers -- who want such things very much .... [46] 

In addition to their general complaints, the colonials were anxious to return to their farms and businesses, from which they had expected to be absent only until July at the latest. [47]

On July 19, the 12-gun provincial cruiser Resolution had sailed slowly into the harbour with her colours flying at half-mast. A horrifying tale of the fate of her captain, David Donahew, and five crew members spread rapidly through the fortress. In mid-June, Captain Fones of the 14-gun Tartar had led the Resolution and the six-gun Bonetta under a Captain Becket, from Canso to search for Marin's forces. The day before Louisbourg was surrendered, they had encountered and put Marin to flight at Tatamegouche Bay. Two weeks later, Donahew and Fones again engagrd Marin, who was now nearing the Strait of Canso. Donahew and 11 of his men put ashore and were immediately surrounded by Indians. The captain and five of his men were slain and the remaining six were taken prisoner. The Indians were said to have cut open Donahew's chest, sucked his blood, then eaten parts of him and his five companions. This disgusting tale significantly heightened the sense of gloom and frustration settling over the fortress.

The poor discipline of the colonials which had manifested itself during the siege continued unabated after they occupied the fortress, prompting Pepperrell and his Council to issue various regulations and to threaten courts martial for serious offenses. [48] Various diarists recorded some of the punishments meted to the New Englanders, [49] including flogging and riding the wooden horse". [50] Such punishments appear to have been relatively rare during the siege, but increased in frequency during the New England occupation period. While the punishments do not appear to have been excessive, nor particularly resented by the forces, on the night of August 18, following .. the disciplining of a provincial, the "wooden horse" was "Torn in peices." [51] 

The colonials were particularly disturbed by the possibility of having to garrison Louisbourg during the coming winter. Many of them considered that the terms of enlistment and Shirley's proclamations respecting the expedition simply required the volunteers to reduce the fortress, after which they were entitled to return home. Soon after the capitulation, rumours were current that they would indeed have to garrison the fortress. Thomas Waldron wrote on August 7: 

I expect that the troops will be Lul'd along till the fall by telling them we must wait till the King's Pleasure is known which I make no Doubt will be that He will Send troops in the Spring So then they'l be told Come Brave Lads you shall be reliev'd in the Spring & thus will good Soldiers Soldiers be Chous'd for the P[ro]cla[matio]n is now of no avail & Guinea [Pepperrell] this Day said as much at the head of his Reg-t ... & thus Sir you see how the Laws & Libertys of Men are Explained away. [52] 

Indeed Shirley's proclamation of the expedition lent itself to the interpretation that the period of enlistment was for only the duration of the attack and its successful conclusion. The governor wrote to Newcastle "that those Troops were rais'd upon my Proclamation of the Terms of being discharg'd at the End of the Expedition (without making which promise to them it would have been Impracticable to have rais'd them)..." [53] Obviously Shirley had not wished to complicate the problems of raising the volunteers by bringing up the possibility of the men having to garrison the fortress after it had been captured. Warren himself realised that the proclamation, which some of the provincials now viewed as a deliberate deception, gave the men a strong argument against being required to garrison Louisbourg. [54] However, rather than deliberately deceiving the New Englanders, Shirley may also not have foreseen the problems which arose after the capitulation, or perhaps he had hoped that Britain would have been able to provide a garrison of regular troops quite soon after the fortress was taken.

In fact, the ministry did act promptly in an attempt to send two Gibraltar regiments to the fortress before the. winter of 1745-46, but these troops did not leave for the fortress until November. After a long, difficult and stormy passage, Captain Richard Collins of the Dover, which led the convoy, decided it would be too dangerous to attempt to reach Louisbourg. Consequently, he turned south to winter the eight transports carrying supplies and about 1,300 men of the Gibraltar regiments, many of whom were suffering from scurvy. All but one of these vessels made Virginia by January, and the missing transport reached New York at about. the same time. [55]

Shirley, Pepperrell and Warren knew the ministry was hoping to get regular troops to the fortress as quickly as possible, but when communications with Louisbourg became difficult with the onset of winter, Pepperrell and Warren did not know if they could expect the soldiers that winter.

Indeed, as late as mid-February, they did not even know if  the regiments had left for North America. [56] The provincials knew that regular troops were to be sent to garrison Louisbourg, and they did not give up all hope of being relieved until December, by which time it was obvious that the troop ships could not be expected to brave the stormy passage to Cape Breton Island. [57]

During the first three months after the capitulation, about half the original volunteers were sent home. By mid-September, less than half of the men returning home had been replaced by reinforcements from the New England colonies. There were about 3,200 volunteers at Louisbourg in September compared to the 4,300 men of the land forces who had embarked on the expedition. While considerably more than half of the New Hampshire and Connecticut regiments were relieved, nearly two-thirds of the original Massachusetts volunteers remained at the fortress. Furthermore, Massachusetts sent by far the largest provincial contingent of reinforcements, which meant that the Bay colony continued to commit by far the largest share of men and supplies to the fortress. [58] In late July, Warren expressed concern to Pepperrell for the flow of men back to New England, which he considered was drastically reducing the defensive capabilities of the fortress. Pepperrell replied that many of the men being relieved were unfit for duty or were required by the circumstances of their families to return to their homes. Pepperrell maintained that the remaining men, including the daily arrivals, were sufficient to defend the fortress. [59] Rawlyk suggests that Pepperrell sent home a large number of men in an attempt to get rid of trouble-makers. [60] By mid-August, Shirley himself was perturbed by the flow of men from Louisbourg, and asked Pepperrell to stop dismissing them especially because he believed it was unlikely that any regular troops could be expected before the spring. Furthermore, Pepperrell and Warren had earlier stated that it would take about 4,000 men to defend the town and batteries. Shirley suggested that Pepperrell restrict his dismissal of men to those who were from the exposed eastern parts of New England where Indians had begun to attack settlements with greater frequency. [61] Despite the numbers of men released, disaffection continued to grow at Louisbourg. Yet, had fever men been dismissed, it is probable that the discontent might have had extremely serious repercussions.

One of the New Englanders who was fortunate enough to be relieved in late July concluded his diary with the following ditty:

Faire Well Cape: Britton
faire well all you fases
that Bread Such Dis:greases
a gainst Solders that are True to their King
for I Boldely Do Say
You will Be hard Poot to it to Catch them again. [62]

At 6 p.m. on August 27, the 40-gun Hector, accompanied by the Superbe, entered the harbour at Louisbourg. Aboard the Hector was Governor Shirley "and His Lady, the Commodores Lady and many other Gentlemen. and-Women etc." It had rained most of the day, and a brisk south-west wind was blowing. An hour before noon the next day, "A fair pleasant day & very warm .... The most sumer like day for the season," the company prepared to go ashore. The guns of the fortress boomed a "royall salute" and "the whole army was Call'd together to attend upon His Excellency while he was walking thro' the Street Up to His House... With a great deal of Drumming Trumpiting and other Instruments of Musick Was this Day fill'd up" [63] 

Shirley wasted no time before attempting to alleviate the mutinous spirit which was sp-reading among the provincials. Having been informed in detail of the problems of the men, he addressed the mustered troops at length on September 4. He told them that an adequate force must obviously remain at Louisbourg to ensure its security and that garrisoning the fortress was no less important than capturing it. He denied that his proclamation could be construed to mean that the forces were released at the moment of capture, 

for a momentary Reduction of it, and afterwards abandoning it to the Enemy, before his Majesty can have an opportunity of taking it into his hands, can't possibly be deem'd a Reduction of it to the Obedience of his Crown: nay, better would it be that it had never been reduc'd, If having purchased it at a vast Expence of the Treasure of your Country and with the Lives of Several of your Fellow Soldiers, [than] it should now be abandoned 'to the Enemy. Better would it have been than you had not Acquired of New England the honour you have done, by your Successful Toils, Vigilance, perservance and Resolution in the Service of your King and Country, during the Late Seven weeks Siege, than that it should be now Scandalously deserted, and given up together with the Fortress. I doubt not therefore, but that you will continue in the discharge of your Duty for the Defence and protection of this place against the Enemy, 'till his Majesty shall have taken tha protection of it into his own Hands or 'till you can be relieved by further Recruits from New England (for procuring which I shall use my Utmost Efforts) with the Same chearfulness and Spirit with which you at first entered into the Service for the Reduction of it. [64]

The governor told the mustered troops that efforts were being made in New England to raise relief forces for the garrison; that a substantial number of the garrison would be relieved as soon as possible; that supplies and provisions were being procured to ease the discomfort of those who remained at the fortress. Furthermore, he expected regular troops from England would relieve the remaining New England forces no later than May, 1746, should the regulars not be able to make Louisbourg before the oncoming winter.

Shirley had special words for the Massachusetts contingent, which had the additional complaint of being paid almost half as much as were the Connecticut and Rhode Island volunteers. [65] He told them that the Massachusetts government had voted one month's pay to each of the original volunteers as an additional bounty and also relieved them of the obligation of keeping the arms supplied to them at prices set by the Committee of War. The General Court had voted "for Supplies of Provisions, Cloaths, and making good the Late Deficiency of Rum... and if any farther Recommendations of your Service to his Majesty may have any Weight, it shall be most readily Employed in favour of you." Shirley said he had advised that the King consider recompensing the New England soldiers for their efforts by distributing land among those men who wished to settle on Cape Breton Island. [66] The governor then "Gave the Soldiers two Hogsheads of Rhum to Drink His Majesties Health", and toured the walls of the town where guards had been placed with their colours at each angle of the walls. As he passed the soldiers, Shirley was saluted by so many vollies of musket fire that "it Seem'd almost Like the Late Siege." [67]

Despite the governor's rhetoric and rum, it was "all Insufficient to make 'em Really willing and Contented to tarry all Winter." [68] Within a month of Shirley's arrival, the garrison was even closer to mutiny, compelling the governor to make another "Speech to the army which (I Conclude)",
wrote a diarist, 

was Occationed by a Great Uneasiness in the army Especially those that Came first in the Expedition, because they were not Dismis'd (as they Suppose) according to Contract. and also Upon Account of his Excellency's not Suffering the Small arms which were found in the Citty to be Divided among the Soldiers. I Often heard there was Seven Hundred had Listed to Lay Down their arms .... [69]

Shirley called a Council meeting on September 28 as soon as he heard "that a great number of the soldiers in his Majesty's service in the garrison had combined to lay down their arms the day following, under pretence of some grievances ..." [70] The Council discussed the discontent in the fortress and concluded it derived from six main issues: from the men having been detained already longer than they had expected by their understanding of the terms of enlistment; from the prospect of having to remain at Louisbourg as a garrison during the oncoming winter; from the lack of clothing and other necessaries for survival; from their not being paid any portion of their due wages; from the lack of plunder; from the discrepancies in pay between the men of New Hampshire and Massachusetts, and those of Connecticut and Rhode Island. [71] 

The Council advised Shirley to announce to the Massachusetts volunteers that the pay of those men required to remain as a garrison until spring would be increased immediately, to 40 shillings per month and that similar action would be recommended strongly to the New Hampshire government for their men. [72] On September 29, Shirley had the men mustered once again. He repeated his promises of September 4 to the troops, adding that he expected woollen clothing and bedding would arrive at Louisbourg in the near future, "to be deliver'd to you at the first Cost...." Muster rolls were to be prepared so that the men might be paid "forthwith upon my Return [to Boston] to each Mans order at Boston for the use of himself his wife or Family there ..." Furthermore, the wages of the Massachusetts contingent was to be raised to 40 shillings per month. Efforts would be made to relieve all those men whose need to return home was most urgent, and the garrison would be reduced to 2,000 men by mid-October. Up to 50 men, chosen by the volunteers, would be permitted to go to New England long enough "to procure for the Army such Necessaries or Conveniences as they shall desire to send for." He concluded his address by appealing to the men not to bring dishonour and disgrace upon New England and themselves by forsaking their hard-won victory. [73]

On October 13, Shirley attended a Council meeting and asked the members "what the present' temper and disposition of their respective regiments was ..." The Council declared unanimously,

That it was their opinion that his Excellency's ... declaration and measures had quite appeased the late spirit of discontent, and that the soldiers appeared quite well satisfied since his declaration to them, saving that many of them were uneasy at their prospect of being detain'd here from their families till spring, and some of them for want of cloaths. [74] 

Shirley's speech had settled the garrison, partly because of the promises, threats and wheedling, and partly because Of his reputation and office as governor of Massachusetts. As he immodestly, but correctly, informed Newcastle: 

very dangerous Consequences must have ensued, had I not been upon the Spot to have prevented them by taking such Steps, as will appear in the enclosed Copies of my proceedings and which no other person here could have taken or would have found intire Credit with the Soldiers upon taking them, besides myself; But I have Reason to think that these Measures, together with punishing One or Two of the Ringleaders have generally calm'd and satisfied the Soldiers; which seems absolutely necessary to be done; as we must depend upon this place's being garrison'd with those now here, or others from the Colonies till next Spring, in case his Majesty should send no Troops hither before that time. [75]

 A general mutiny had been narrowly averted. Most of the New Englanders, having now resigned themselves to remaining at Louisbourg for the winter, began to settle down to the mundane but essential task of repairing the town and its fortifications, and to prepare themselves for what was to be a desperate struggle for survival not against attacks by the enemy, but against the rigours of weather and disease. 

Shirley left Louisbourg on December 8, late enough to have first-hand knowledge of the consequences of the wretched conditions the men had to endure at the fortress. Warren and Pepperrell had hoped the sickness would abate with the onset of colder weather, but to their horror, by mid-December the men were dying at the rate of 14 to 17 a day. Dudley Bradstreet noted in his diary at this time that "I went into the Burying yard [at Rochefort Point]  & there Beheld a Malencholly Sight: Hundreds of new Graves." [76] By the end of January, 1746, nearly one-fifth of the garrison had been buried while half the remaining men were too sick for duty. [77] Warren suffered incessantly from a "Scurbutick disorder", and Pepperrell was confined to bed for weeks on end, probably with dysentery. [78]

The French had assured Warren and Pepperrell that the place was generally healthful, although the early settlers had suffered severely at first from illness, "but afterwards [were] extreamly healthy ...." [79] Warren's ill health helped determine him to leave the fortress as soon as possible, and he requested to be relieved so that he could return home to recover his health. Even before the mortality rate reached its climax in late December and early January, Warren wrote to Corbett:

God only knows if this sickness shou'd continue, which I am assur'd is partly owing to the want of necessarys, who among us will survive 'till the next Spring. [80] 

The seamen remaining at Louisbourg [81] proved to be less sickly than the New Englanders, which Warren attributed to their being more accustomed to a salt diet than the colonials, 

who when at home have great plenty of Roots, Milk, and other wholesome food that can't possibly be come at here. Add to this that the expectation the greater part of them, had, of getting home, made them careless, about any provision for the Winter. And the disappointment they have undergone in this respect has Chargin'd many of them to such a degree that their Spirits are quite Sunk. [82]

Dysentery, scurvy and probably, pneumonia were the great killers at Louisbourg during this first winter. There had been little time and inadequate building materials to repair the shattered buildings in the fortress well enough to counter the cold and damp Cape Breton winter. Pepperrell and Warren pinpointed the poor quarters for the men as a major factor contributing to the ill-health of the garrison. [83] Despite efforts to stockpile wood for heating before winter conditions prevented the small sailing ships from gathering fuel from various parts of the island, it remained in short supply and had to be carefully rationed to the men. Special details of men were dispatched during the winter to gather what wood they could get, but enough fuel was never available. The freezing men resorted to pulling down pickets and wood from their buildings until Pepperrell had to issue orders prohibiting these desperate and pathetic efforts. [84]

Soon after Shirley's departure, the weather turned extremely foul at Louisbourg, terminating any real hope for news and supplies from New England. The need for fresh provisions for the sick and medicines grew extreme. Early in January, the Roseby, a supply ship which had left England for Louisbourg in mid-November with a convoy under the Kinsale, struck some rocks off Scatarie Island having lost her convoy some time earlier near the Grand Banks. [85] The ship disintegrated and five men were carried ashore clinging to the quartet deck. Three men were apparently rescued, while two of them were found frozen to death sheltering in an old French house on the island. Little was salvaged from the wreck, and the loss of the Roseby was a sore blow to the garrison, for it was believed the ship carried provisions, medical supplies and at least one surgeon for the-fortress. The incident underscored the isolation of the fortress and dampened hopes that any more ships might get through to Louisbourg. It was not even until well into February that Pepperrell and Warren learned that Shirley had indeed arrived safely at Boston. [86]

However, some small supply ships from Massachusetts did manage to take the fortress badly needed fresh provisions after mid-February. The provisions were carefully rationed to the sick men and officers in the garrison, while the healthy men apparently had to remain on their diet of salted and dried foods. [87]

New England merchants and shippers were reluctant to risk their vessels and goods in the stormy winter passage to Cape Breton Island. For instance, during the three and a half month period following mid-November, only 10 vessels cleared for Louisbourg of the 159 ships registered as leaving Boston. By contrast, for the one month period following April 20, 1746, of 54 ships leaving Boston 16 headed for Louisbourg. [88]

The reluctance and often inability of merchants to send their vessels to the fortress during the height of winter was compounded by their fear that their seamen might be pressed into the King's service, despite Warren's notices assuring New England merchants that their ships and seamen would not be detained. There was even a scare that an unspecified infectious disease, possibly smallpox, was introduced to New England from Cape Breton Island. There was the additional possibility that some enterprising enemy man-of-war or privateer might brave the winter weather to prey on enemy shipping. Warren personally doubted that there was any real likelihood of enemy warships cruising the northerly waters during the worst of the winter months, but believed that the period of danger would begin in late February or early March. Consequently, he had decided in early December to dispatch some of his warships to protect trade and attack enemy shipping in more southerly colonial waters. These ships were to return to the fortress by March, 1746. Finally, the rapid development of an effective supply system during this first winter was probably hindered by the rivalry of various merchants for the contracts and their seemingly endless indulgence in political intrigue and manoeuvres for patronage. Shirley's absence-from Boston while he was at Louisbourg also deprived Massachusetts of his energetic and conscientious direction of affairs, probably delaying the establishment of a regular system of supply. [89]

Two Massachusetts merchant partnerships, Sparhawk and Colman, Apthorp and Hancock, shared the majority of the Louisbourg supply contracts largely as a result of the influence of Warren and Pepperrell who favoured Apthorp and Sparhawk respectively. [90] Some members of the Massachusetts General Court were displeased by this exercise of authority by Pepperrell and Warren, believing the Court was the proper authority to designate and appoint contractors. Until the spring of 1746, the Louisbourg supply was managed by Massachusetts Committee of War, under the chairmanship of John Osborne, a prominent Boston merchant and member of the Council. The deficiencies of the supply system, which contributed to the hardships endured at Louisbourg, weighed heavily on Shirley, who pressed the supply agents to increase their efforts to provide the garrison more effectively with necessities. The reports of dreadful conditions at Louisbourg were politically dangerous to Shirley, who might be accused of neglecting the New Englanders at the fortress. Sparhawk, and probably also Apthorp, accused the Committee of War of being slow in administering the supply, claiming it could be more efficiently handled by the merchants themselves. In March, 1746, Shirley streamlined the system by taking it out of the control of the Committee and placing directly in the hands of the merchants involved. [91]



the middle of February the mortality rate began to at Louisbourg. The garrison was past the worst sickness. At least 561 men had been buried during two months, 1,100 were still sick and fewer than

considered capable of garrison duty. On February 8, 1 reported that only three to five men were now ly. On June 1, Pepperrell estimated that 1,200 men of disease during the winter. [92]

16, Pep;perrell and Warren issued orders which been received with tumultuous delight by the

The garrison quarters were to be inspected to where the Gibraltar troops were to be housed. Three =er, they ordered the streets and barracks to be z-rd the garbage to be placed on the beaches near the so the tide would carry it away. [93] In mid-July, --owles, Warren's successor as governor, reported shortly after his arrival at Louisbourg that of the New Englanders was incre'dible. He wrote:



The confused, dirty, beastly condition I found this place in is not to be expressed, and I almost suspect being credited, when I tell your Grace that these New England Folks were so lazy, that they not only pulled one end of the House down to burn which they lived in but even buried their dead under the Floors & did their Filth in other corners of the House rather than go out of Doors in the Cold: They were of so Obstinate and licentious a disposition that not being properly under Military discipline there was no keeping them in any Order.... [94] 

Knowles was not particularly well disposed to colonials, so his assessment of the conditions took little account of the hardships endured by the New Englanders. Although the ghastly winter at Louisbourg was not repeated in all its severity the next year, conditions were again extremely difficult and Knowles might have understood better some of the reasons for the fortress being in such filthy condition on his arrival.

The British ministry had rewarded Pepperrell and Shirley for their parts in the expedition with a regiment each, a potentially lucrative appointment. The regiments, to be stationed at Louisbourg, were to be raised from the New England volunteers at Louisbourg, plus any other colonials who might wish to enlist to bring the regiments to full strength. Shortly after the near-mutiny in September, 1745, Shirley had written to Newcastle that colonials were so averse to garrison duty that "it would be easier to raise ten thousand men in the colonies, to go upon an expedition against Canada upon a common pay, than one thousand to be Garrison Soldiers."[95] An even greater factor militating against a successful recruiting campaign for the regiments, reported Shirley, was that the principal commissions in the American regiments had already been given to Englishmen. This prevented Shirley and Pepperrell from rewarding deserving men at Louisbourg, and 

though the American Soldiers should like the Colonel in whose Regiment they are to serve never so well, yet they have a more immediate regard to the Captains and Subalterns, in whose Company they are to be muster'd, and have generally so great an aversion to enlist under any but American officers whom they know and have an opinion of ... [96]

Shirley also expressed the fear that the presence of so many English officers would prejudice any future British expeditions for which American levies were desired. He wondered whether, under the circumstances, it might have been more advisable to have sent four regular regiments from England rather than to have established two American regiments largely under English officers, even though Pepperrell and he were to be the colonels. [97] The enlistment problem was of great concern to the two colonels, but Shirley's attention was distracted by other matters, most particularly a proposed expedition against Canada for which he hoped to raise 3,000 men in Massachusetts alone, as well as influencing other colonial governments to contribute 9,000 volunteer militia. [98] Of course, enlistments for this expedition hampered recruiting for the two American regiments. In addition, Shirley and Pepperrell considered the two guineas per man levy money granted by the Crown to be inadequate for their recruiting campaign. [99] Furthermore, not only had the wretched conditions at Louisbourg convinced many of the men not to remain at the fortress, but also memories were still fresh from the disastrous Cartagena expedition of 1741-42, when the great majority of the 4,000 colonials raised died of disease in the badly-managed effort. The colonial troops and officers were mishandled during the campaign, and were discriminated against openly in favour of the regular forces engaged in the service. The expedition, and to some extent the Louisbourg expedition, confirmed many colonials in their dislike of long service in the British service and in their distrust of British officers. [100]

Pepperrell became so desperate for recruits that he welcomed the chance of obtaining "two hundred of the Rebel [Highland] Prisoners, who may have been unwarily seduced" by Charles Edward. [101] Henry Fox, the newly appointed secretary at war, informed Newcastle in August, 1746, that Christopher Kilby, the London agent for Shirley's and Pepperrell's regiments, had applied for 400 of these Scots rebels to be divided equally between the two American regiments. [102] However, there is no record of these men ever being sent to Cape Breton.

Shirley believed that special terms of enlistment would be necessary to overcome the colonial aversion to long terms of service under strange officers. Consequently, he recommended to Newcastle that if men could not be recruited under normal terms, they should be permitted to enlist for two years, after which time they would be granted a lot of land on "castle tenure" for seven years; that is, to be available for garrison duty on any alarm and to be mustered at least once every quarter. This scheme was not followed, but Pepperrell and Shirley were forced to recruit on terms requiring only three, five and seven years of service with the addition of an enlistment bounty. [103]

Despite the recruiting problems, Pepperrell and Shirley expressed their resolve to surmount the problems as best they could. They had but limited success in filling their regiments even though their recruiters ranged into the colonies bordering on New England, including Nova Scotia, and even to Newfoundland, trying to enlist men. Shirley, with his great influence in Massachusetts's, was able to attract many, more men from the colonies than were Pepperrell's representatives. At Louisbourg, Pepperrell, enlisted more men into his regiment than into Shirley's from the New England garrison. Nevertheless, no great inclination to enlist was demonstrated anywhere. By, June 1, 1746, 262 men from the Louisbourg garrison had entered Pepperrell's regiment, and a mere 132 for Shirley's. The garrison returns for June 13 reveals 450 men had enlisted for Shirley's regiment and 342 for Pepperrell's. These figures included those men who had enlisted from the colonies and recently arrived at Louisbourg. [104]

When Warren had requested in December, 1745, to be replaced as governor barely two months after hearing of his appointment, he had asked not to be "superceded as such, till my departure from these Seas...." He advised Corbett that until the end of the war, or until the colony on Cape Breton was firmly established, the governor should be the naval officer who commanded the squadron stationed in the adjacent waters. Such a governor would then have the power to attack the French fish and fur trade and to prevent the French from supplying their Indian allies or even their own people. [105]

The British ministry subsequently appointed Charles Knowles to succeed Warren. [106] Knowles was admonished not to assume his duties until Warren's departure . from the fortress. [107] Shortly before Warren had left the West Indies to participate in the Louisbourg expedition, he and Knowles had a rather bitter disagreement over Warren's decision to take the Superbe. However, before landing at Louisbourg Knowles apologized to Warren "which quite melted me [Warren] into a forgiveness and we are again upon good terms of which I hope I shall have no reason to repent." [108] Knowles arrived at Louisbourg on June 2, and Warren resigned the government to him on June 14. [109] On April 7, 1746, Captain Collins wrote from Virginia [110] to Corbett that he was standing-by impatiently, ready to sail for Louisbourg with the Gibraltar troops as soon as the weather permitted, "As I find by Mr. Warren's Orders left here, [that] he is apprehending the French will attack Louisbourg very Early ..." [111] Collins got under way for the fortress on April 19, arriving there on May 2, with the Gibraltar "Troops all in good health .... [112] Eighteen days later, Vice Admiral Isaac Townsend arrived at the fortress with three warships and two storeships from England via the West Indies, superseding Warren as the commander of the ships at Louisbourg and vicinity. [113]

The Admiralty expressed regret for sending a squadron to Louisbourg under a flag officer superior to Warren, but pointed out that no other ships could have reached Louisbourg as easily and early as Townsend's. Corbett informed Warren that the Admiralty was taking "great Care ... to render this Summer agreeable to You....", so that he might re-establish his health and soon serve the Crown again, thereby increasing his already considerable reputation. [114] Warren was ordered to concert measures with the various colonial governments for the best method of attacking Canada, "by which", Warren wrote to Admiral Sir John Norris, " I conceivd an Expedition against Canada was intended on the next Spring.... "[115]

The Gibraltar regiments began to land soon after their arrival at Louisbourg, permitting the New Englanders to make final preparations for the return home. On April 13, after Warren's commission as governor had finally arrived, the Admiral called the New Englanders together and told them that their services would always be remembered. He promised that those who desired to remain on Cape Breton Island would be able to leave whenever they pleased, and that as soon as the hospital had been converted into barracks to receive the new garrison he hoped there would "be room to give houses to all such people as shall choose to settle in this place, and allow of such of the troops as are married, proper conveniences out of the barracks." [116] It is not clear how many New Englanders remained as civil inhabitants, but later statements by Knowles indicate the number was extremely small. [117]

For the next three years, Louisbourg was garrisoned by men of six regiments, including a detachment of the Royal Regiment of Artillery which had been incorporated into the Louisbourg establishment in October, 1745. The artillery company, numbering 72 men and officers, arrived at the fortress in May, 1746, under the command of Captain David Rogers. [118] There were the two regiments from Gibraltar: Major General Francis Fuller's 29th Foot, Worcestershire Regiment, commanded at Louisbourg by Colonel Peregrine Thomas Hopson and Colonel Hugh Warburton's 45th Foot, Nottinghamshire Regiment, commanded at Louisbourg by Warburton, with his Lieutenant Colonel John Horsmen. The two established American regiments were Shirley's 65th Foot, Cape Breton Regiment, command at Louisbourg by Lieutenant Colonel Robert Ellison and Pepperrell's 66th Foot, [119] American Provincials, commanded in Pepperrell's absence by Lieutenant Colonel William Ryan. [120] There were also three companies of Lieutenant General Frampton's regiment, probably the 30th Foot, East Lancashire Regiment, which left England for Louisbourg with Knowles on April 18. [121] The remaining portion of Frampton's regiment was to have sailed for the fortress soon after the first three companies had left England.. However, the men were delayed and were then to have embarked with the abortive Canada Expedition of 1746 under General St. Clair. [122] Ultimately, the three companies were not joined at Louisbourg by the rest of their unit.

The Louisbourg garrison was never at full strength during the period of British occupation by forces on the regular establishment. Fuller's and Warburton's regiments should have numbered 700 men each, but averaged just under 500 men each. The artillery company should have included about 110 men, including officers, but was short about 30 men until the fall of 1747, after which time it was generally less than 15 men below full complement. Pepperrell's and Shirley's regiments were supposed to have 1,000 men each, exclusive of officers, but Shirley's regiment averaged about 400 men and Pepperrell's only about 355 men. The three companies of Frampton's regiment were about 100 men below the 300 man complement. [123]

Adverse weather conditions delayed Warren's and Pepperrell's departure from Louisbourg for Boston on June 13. Three days later, they got to sea aboard the Chester. They had barely set sail when they encountered the sloop Hinchinbrook from England carrying startling new instructions from Newcastle and the Admiralty. An attack was to be made on Canada within a few months. Warren and Pepperrell immediately returned to Louisbourg to discuss this unexpected turn of events with Knowles and Townsend. After the new situation was analysed at a number of hastily-called Councils of War, Warren and Pepperrell left for Boston on the Chester on June 18. Warren, who was to lead the expedition's squadron up the St. Lawrence, believed the attack was premature and was profoundly disturbed by the haste to undertake an expedition which should be carefully planned and prepared. Suffering from an acute and prolonged case of scurvy, he also doubted that he would have the strength to discharge the enormous amount of planning and preparations necessary in such short time in New England, and then to command the squadron going against Canada. The possibility of the expedition's failure, and the probable consequent destruction of his career, loomed starkly before Warren. [124]

Peter Warren's depression was mitigated somewhat when the Chester anchored on July 5 at Boston, where he and Pepperrell were welcomed as heroes. Since most of the misunderstandings concerning their relations at Louisbourg during the siege had been removed or largely forgotten, Warren's public reception was hardly less warmthan that accorded to Pepperrell. [125]

The departure of Warren, Pepperrell and his forces, ended the New England occupation of the fortress. For many colonials, their exuberance for the victory at Louisbourg had been tempered by the reports of conflict over command between Pepperrell and Warren, by the near-disaster of the post-siege period when the grievances of the volunteers almost led to mutiny on several occasions, and by the horrible experience of Louisbourg's reluctant garrison during the first winter in the fortress, when many times more men died of disease than were killed on both sides during the siege itself. The scarcity of the necessities of life at Louisbourg during the winter had underscored the difficulties of maintaining a garrison and the need for an effective system of supply. It was obvious that so long as Louisbourg was totally reliant on outside sources of supplies of all kinds, the fortress would remain extremely expensive to maintain and garrison, and be as vulnerable to an attack as were its lines of communication to seasonal vicissitudes and enemy blockade. Pepperrell, Warren and Shirley had very definite ideas on the means of overcoming such problems, and forwarded a remarkable series of proposals to the British ministry designed to incorporate Cape Breton Island into the British commercial system, and to make Louisbourg at once a bastion of British power in North America and a principal means of extending British authority into the French domain.


[1] Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, p. 328, Warren to Pepperrell, July 16, 1745.

[2] In fact, a French squadron under Perier de Salvert had left France for Louisbourg. However, de Salvert turned back for France while off the banks of Newfoundland when he learned Louisbourg had been surrendered. See above, pp. 57-58 and Appendix "I".

[3] The report was erroneous, for Marin had turned from his march toward Louisbourg in late June. Pote's Journal, Paltsits, ed. pp. 46-48, and see above, pp. 55-56, 86-87.

[4] A.C., F3, vol. 50, fol. 347, Warren to Du Chambon, June 19, 1745.

[5] Ibid., fols. 348-348v, Du Chambon to Marin, June 29, 1745.

[6] Colls. M.R.S., 1, 1, p. 48, Pepperrell to Shirley, June 18, 1745.

[7] Green's Journal, A.A. S. Procs., p. 167; P.R.O., CO5, vol. 900, fols-232-235, Bastide to Shirley, September 21, 1745; Colls. M.H.S., 6p X, p. 439, Pepperrell and Warren to Newcastle, January 18, 1745.

[8] Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, p. 29, Council of War, June 24, 1745.

[9] Ibid., p. 305, Warren to Pepperrell, June 30, 1745. When Shirley heard that Pepperrell had stated the colonies had not empowered him to draw bills on the colonial governments for the repair and maintenance of the fortress and garrison, he hastened to inform Newcastle that "thô the Colonies have not [so] impower'd the General ... I may assure your - Grace that the Assembly of this Province (as I have recomended to 'em to do) will go to furnish the imediate necessary Supplies, for repairing the Breaches of the Fortifications at Louisbourg and put 'em in a posture of defence, and for maintaining the Garrison 'till his Majesty's pleasure shall be known concerning it, in the same manner that they have supply'd the Expedition before the Surrender of the place; which will be the cheapest method of doing it, for his Majesty; or if I should find it necessary to draw bills upon the Treasury for any part of the Expence, which I drew for the Cloathing and provisions sent to the New England Auxiliaries at Annapolis Royal met with immediate payment...." Correspondence of Shirley, I, Lincoln, ed., p. 252, Shirley to Newcastle, July 21, 1745.

[10] Sparhawk estimated the position would "be worth, salary, cloathing ye militia, &c., together 3 or 4,000 £ sterling per annum." The former governor of Massachusetts, Jonathan Belcher, wrote from London that the governorship would "be worth 2000 £ str. a year, which I should think a handsome reward." Sparhawk's personal motivation in making the suggestion is quite clear. If Pepperrell were governor of Louisbourg, Sparhawk would stand a good chance of securing various supply contracts for the fortress and garrison. , Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, pp. 318-319, Sparhawk to Pepperrell, July 5, 1745; p. 352, Belcher to Pepperrell, Augutt 7, 1745; M.H.S., Pepperrell Papers, n.p., Sparhawk to Pepperrell, March 16, 1746; P.R.O., CO5, vol. 13, fol. 70, Pepperrell to Newcastle, July 30, 1745.

[11] Warren's commission as governor, dated September 1, 1745 (o.s.), did not reach Louisbourg until the spring of 1746. The Crown was also apparently prepared to create Warren a Baronet, but as J.S. McLennan wrote: "apparently his own representations caused this to be withheld. The prospect of an hereditary title brought too closely to him, as the full tide of his success was in flood, the disappointment of his most personal hopes, 'Lord Sandwich in his letter mentions the intention to create me a Baronet. I have no son, therefore if that cou'd without offence be let alone, I skall take it as a favour." McLennan, Louisbourg, p. 166; P.R.O. CO5, vol. 45, fol. 40, Pepperrell to Newcastle, May 21, 1746; N.S.,, A28, fol, 126, Warren to Newcastle, June 2, 1746.

[12] P.R.O. CO5, vol. 45, fols. 309-309v, Newcastle to Pepperrell, August 10, 1745; fols. 315-315v, .318v, Newcastle to Warren, August 10, 1745.

[13] Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, p. 323, Shirley to Pepperrell, July 7, 1745; pp. 392-393, Pepperrell to Silas Hooper, November 9, 1745; Henry S. Burrage, Maine at Louisbourg in 1745, (Augusta: Burleigh & Flynt, 1910), p.99, Pepperrell to his wife, September 11, 1745; Clements Library, Louisbourg,, Siege, 1745, Papers, n.p. Thomas Waldron to Richard Waldron, June 6, 1745.

[14] Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, p. 49, Council at Louisbourg, November 28, 1745.

[15] Ibid., pp. 3-66 passim, Records of the Councils of War.

[16] Warburton did not arrive at Louisbourg until the spring with his regiment. Correspondence of Shirley, I, Lincoln, pp. 287-288, Shirley to Newcastle, November 6, 1745; P.R.O., SP44, vol. 186, fols. 84-85, Commission for Warburton as Lieutenant Governor, September 1, 1745.

[17] P.R.O., CO5, fols. 103-103v, Pepperrell to Newcastle, November 4, 1745.

[18] It is not clear if Warren actually requested to be made governor as Pepperrell stated, Soon after his appointment, Warren asked to be replaced. P.R.O., CO5, fols. 103,-103v, Pepperrell to Newcastle, November 4, 1745; Admiralty 1, vol. 2655, n.p., Warren to Corbett, November 23, 1745,

[19] Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, p. 30, Council at Louisbourg, June 26, 1745.

[20] Ibid., p. 321, Shirley to Pepperrell, July 7, 1745.

[21] See above, pp. 97-98.

[22]First Journal, Anon., Louisbourg Journals, de Forest, ed., p. 35.

[23] P.R.O., Adm. 1, vol. 3655, n.p., Warren to Corbett, August 8, 1745.

[24] Clements Library, Louisbourg, Siege, 1745, Papers, n.p., Thomas Waldron to Richard Waldron, July 24, 1745. 

[25]Ibid., July 9., 1745,

[26] M.H.S., Davis Papers, n.p., fragment of a letter from Louisbourg, unsigned, December 13, 1745.

[27] Bradstreet's Diary, M.H.S. Procs., p. 440.

[28] Ninth Journal, Williams, Louisbourg Journals, de Forest, ed., p. 126. Many of the New Englanders considered the seamen to be a callous and unholy lot; for instance, a diarist recorded that when two men from the Princess Mary died on July 19, "Not So Much Affected were his Ship Mates when Digging his Grave as many are only at the Sight of a Dead Horse. But would Curse and Damn Each other while Doing it. which to us appear'd Very Maloncholly and Strange." First Journal, Anon., Louisbourg Journals, de Forest, ed., p. 33.

[29] First Journal, Anon., Louisbourg Journals, de Forest, ed., p. 32. 

[30] "Giddings' Journal", Essex Institute, p. 303.

[31] First Journal, Anon., Louisbourg Journals, de Forest., ed., p. 30.

[32] Ibid., p. 48.

[33] Ninth Journal, Williams, Louisbourg Journals, de Forest, ed., pp. 122-169 passim

[34] McLennan, Louisbourg, p. 170.

[35] Ninth Journal, Williams, Louisbourg Journals, de Forest, ed. , p. 147.

[36] Colls . M.H.S. , 6p X, Council of War, p. 38, July 15, 1745; M,H,S, Pepperrell Papers, n.p., Massachusetts General Court, order to furnish fresh provisions to the sick of the garrison at Louisbourg, December 23, 1745.

[37] The provincials had viewed the generally good weather conditions during the siege as a special mark of Providence. Pomeroy Journal, de Forest, ed., pp. 27-28; Gibson Journal, pp. 75, 77-78; "Giddings' Journal", Essex Institute, p. 300.

[38] M.H.S., Pepperrell Papers, n.p., George Scott to Pepperrell, December 20, 1745.

[39] Baker, Siege of Louisbourg, Appendix V, pp. 70-71, Letter from Charles A. Mitchell, Head of Research Division, Ottawa Civic Hospital, November 25, 1965.

[40] Ninth Journal, Williams, Louisbourg Journals, de Forest, ed., p. 134; Roll of New Hampshire Men at Louisburg, Cape Breton 1745, (Concord: E.N. Pearson, Public Printer, 1896) p. 25, Statement of the Condition of the Men at Louisbourg, T.W. Waldron and Jonathan Prescut to the Governor of New Hampshire, September 24, 1745; Colls. M.R.S., 6, X, p. 350, Pepperrell to Shirley, August 6, 1745.

[41] First Journal, Anon., Louisbourg Journals, de Forest, ed., p. 42.

[42] Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, pp. 348-349, Pepperrell to Shirley, August 6, 1745.

[43] Douglass, A Summary, I, p. 35-2. Douglas explained what he meant by the word "discipline" in the following fashion: "1. A due subordination to superior officers or command, which the levelling spirit of our Plantations does not well admit of. 2. A proper care of their men, as to clean dress, wear, eating, drinking, lodging, and a proper regard to their sick."

[44] This was in accordance with the general practice in the regular British forces, the soldiers of which were liable, with some variations, to pay deductions known as stoppages "to better provide ... [the soldiers] with necessaries, &c." Necessaries were defined as "such articles as are ordered to be given to every soldier in the British service, at regulated prices....", and generally included clothing and uniforms. There was also a stoppage in the regular army to provide for the sick in the British army. Various military dictionaries warn that stoppages should never be so great as to leave the soldier short of money for messing. See the following military dictionaries under Pay, Arrears, Stoppages, Necessaries, Clothing, Mess: William Duane, A Military Dictionary, (Philadelphia: William Duane, 1810); Major Charles James, A New and Enlarged Military Dictionary, (London: T. Egerton, 1810); Captain George Smith, An Universal Military Dictionary, (London: J. Millan, 1779).

[45] P.R.O., CO5, vol. 900, fols. 221v-222, Shirley to Newcastle, September 22, 1745.

[46] Ninth Journal, Williams, Louisbourg Journals, de Forest, ed. , p. 125.

[47] P.R.O., CO5, vol. 900, fol. 221v, Shirley to Newcastle, September 22, 1745.

[48] American Antiquarian Society, Curwin Papers, n.p., n.d., unsigned fragment of 17 articles to be posted to regulate and discipline the soldiers; Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, pp. 49-98 passim, Councils of War and Copies of Orders.

[49] Stearn's [?] Diary, M.H.S. Procs., p. 142; Green's Journal, A.A.S. Procs., p. 174-175; Bradstreet's Diary, M.H.S. Procs., p. 4-41.

[50] "Riding the wooden horse" was an excruciatingly painful form of punishment in which the prisoner was required to straddle the narrow ridge of a wooden plank which was decorated to resemble a horse. The prisoner had his hands tied behind his back, and his feet sometimes weighted with a musket to increase the agony, tied beneath the "horse." The weights on the legs were to prevent, as was said facetiously, the "horse" from 11:icking off its rider. Scott Claver, Under the Lash, (London: Burlington Press, 1954) pp. 13-14.

[51] Bradstreet's Diary, M.H.S., Procs., p. 441.

[52] Clements Library, Louisbourg, Siege, 1745, Papers, n.p., Thomas Waldron to Richard Waldron, July 26, 1745.

[53] Correspondence of Shirley, I, Lincoln, ed., p. 266, Shirley to Newcastle, September 27, 1745.

[54] Law Papers, II, Bates, ed., pp. 124-125, Warren to Law, November 26, 1745; pp. 146-147, Warren to Law, December 13, 1745.

[55] P.R.O., Adm. 2, vol. 207, fol. 307, Admiralty Board to Navy Board, July 25, 1745; Adm. 1, vol. 1603, n.p., Collins to Corbett, November 12, 1745; CO5, vol..13, fol. 165, garrison returns signed by Warren, June 2, 1746; Adm. 1, vol. 1603, n.p., Collins to Corbett, March 27, 1746.

[56] Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, p. 443, Pepperrell and Warren to Newcastle, January 28, 1746.

[57] Clements Library, Louisbourg, Siege, 1745, Papers, n.p., Nathaniel Weare to M. Weare, December 5, 1745.

[58] Correspondence of Shirley, I, Lincoln, ed.3. pp. 264-265, Shirley to Wentworth, September 2, 1745; Law Papers, II Bates,; ed., Shirley to Law, August 30, 1745; Green's Journal, A.A.S. Procs., p. 171.

[59] Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, p. 328, Warren to Pepperrell, July 16, 1745; p. 334, Pepperrell to Warren, July 18, 1745.

[60] Rawlyk, Yankees, p. 156. Rawlyk's observation, while plausible, does not appear to be based on specific documentary evidence.

[61] Correspondence of Shirley, 1, Lincoln, pp. 257-259, Shirley to Pepperrell, July 29, 1745. Shirley believed the Indians had received reports that the expedition against the fortress had failed, and were using the opportunity to harass the New England colonies. The governor hoped that when the truth
about Louisbourg became known, the trouble with the Indians on the colonial frontiers would subside.

[62] Sixth, Journal. Anon., Louisbourg Journals, de Forest, ed. . p. 96.

[63] First Journal, Anon., Louisbourg Journals, de Forest, ed., pp. 175-176; Green's Journal, A.A.S. Procs., p. 37.

[64] P.R.O., CO5, vol. 900, fol. 228, Shirley, to the Garrison at Louisbourg, August 23, 1745.

[65] The monthly pay offered by the various colonies to their enlisted men was; Connecticut, 40 shillings; Rhode Island, 50 shillings; Massachusetts and New Hampshire, 25 shillings. The pay differential certainly, contributed to the turbulence of the volunteers at Louisbourg. Colls. M.H.S., 62 X, pp..45-46, Council at Louisbourg, September, 17, 1745; p. 350, Pepperrell to Shirley, August 6, 1745.

[66] P.R.O., CO5, vol. 900, fols. 227-229, Shirley to the Garrison at Louisbourg, August 23, 1745.

[67] First Journal, Anon., Louisbourg Journals, de Forest, ed., pp. 38-39.

[68] Ibid.

[69] Ibid., p. 43.

[70] Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, p. 45, Council at Louisbourg, September 17, 1745.

[71] Ibid.

[72] Colls. M. H. S. , 6, X, pp. 45-46, Council at Louisbourg, September 17, 1745.

[73] P.R.O., CO5, vol. 900, fols. 235,235v, Shirley to the Garrison at Louisbourg, September 17, 1745.

[74] Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, p. 47, Council at Louisbourg, October 2, 1745.

[75] P.R.O., CO5, vol. 900, fols. 222-222v, Shirley to Newcastle, September 22, 1745.

[76] Bradstreet's Diary, M.H.S. Procs., p. 443.

[77] Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, p. 437, Pepperrell and Warren to Newcastle, January 18, 1746; p. 412, Pepperrell and Warren to Shirley, January 28, 1746.

[78] P.R.O.J. Adm. 1, vol. 2655, n.p., Warren to Corbett, October 3$ 1745; Warren to Corbett, November 23, 1745; Ninth Journal, Williams, Louisbourg Journals, de Forest, ed., p. 164; Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, p. 448, Pepperrell to Shirley, February 20, 1746, p. 459, Sparhawk to Pepperrell, March 16, 1746.

[79] P.R.O., Adm. 1, vol. 2655, n.p., Warren to Corbett., November 230 1745; Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, p. 437, Pepperrell and Warren to Newcastle, January 18, 1746.

[80] P.R.O., Adm. 1, vol. 2655, Warren to Corbett, October 3, 1745; Warren to Corbett, November 23, 1745.

[81] After the siege, Warren gradually dispersed most of his squadron, either back to England or to more southerly waters to protect British and colonial trade and to prey on French shipping. P.R.O., Adm. 1. vol. 2655, n.p., Warren to Corbett, November 23, 1745; Warren to "the Respective Governours upon the Continent", June 24, 1745; Adm. 2, vol. 494, fol. 4, Corbett to Captain Edwards, December 24, 1745; Corbett to Admirals Vernon and Steuart, December 24, 1745; Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, p. 438, Warren and Pepperrell to Newcastle, January 18, 1746.

[82] P.R.O., Adm. 1, vol. 480, fols. 48-49, Warren to Corbett, January 18, 1746.

[83] Correspondence of Shirley, I, Lincoln, p. 252, Shirley to Newcastle, July 21, 1745; Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, p. 437, Pepperrell and Warren to Newcastle, January 18, 1746; p. 48, Council at Louisbourg, October 11, 1745. 

[84] Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, pp. 76-77, "Order for a Detachment out of Each. Regiment to cutt Wood & for a Scout", December 19, 1745; p. 77, "Order to Colo. Moore to command the Detachment to get Wood", December 20, 1745; p. 84, "Orders not to pull down Picketts nor Houses", undated, but probably February, 1746; Bradstreet's Diary, M.H.S. Procs., p. 444.

[85] The Kinsale and the rest of the convoy headed for more southerly ports.

[86] Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, pp. 437, 440-442, 444, Warren and Pepperrell to Shirley, January 28, 1746; p. 449, Pepperrell to Shirley, February 20, 1746; Clements Library, Clinton Papers, II, Warren and Pepperrell to Clinton, January 25, 1746.

[87] Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, p. 448, Pepperrell to Shirley, February 20, 1745; pp. 53-54, Council at Louisbourg, February 10, 1745. The evidence cited here suggests the fresh provisions sent from Massachusetts were intended by the General Court only for the volunteers of that province. It is not clear if this intention was actually implemented at Louisbourg.

[88] Library of the Boston Athenaeum, Boston Customs House Clearances, 1744-1748, n.p.; Schutz, Shirley, p. 110.

[89] M.H.S., Pepperrell Papers, n.p., Osborne to Pepperrell, January, 15, 1746; Sparhawk to Pepperrell, n.p., March 16, 1746; Colman to Fepperrell, n.p., April 24, 1746; Sparhawk to Pepperrell, n.p., May 8, 1746; P.R.O., CO5, vol. 810, n.p., Massachusetts Council Minutes, October 18, 1745; Law Papers, 1, Bates, ed., pp. 316-317, Warren to Law, June 24, 1745; 11, 2655, n.p., Warren to Corbett, November 23, 1745; Warren to "the Respective Governours upon the Continent", June 24, 1745; Adm. 2, vol, 494, fol, 4, Corbett to Captain Edwards of the Princess Mary, December 24, 1745; fol. 5, Corbel-t to Admirals Vernon and Steuart, December 24, 1745.

[90] It appears that until the British government had time to organize regular establishments for the support of the garrison, Warren and Pepperrell were permitted, with Shirley's confirmation, to use their discretion in ordering supplies while drawing bills on appropriate offices in England to pay for the goods. Early in 1746, the King signed three establishments for Cape Breton, retroactive to October, 1745, which came under the Treasury, Paymaster General and the War Office or Board of Ordnance. This action removed most of Pepperrell's and Warren's authority to order garrison supplies and provisions from whom they saw fit. Sparhawk feared this would jeopardise his supply agency. By March these fears were confirmed "as its rumoured," wrote Sparhawk, "that some Gentlemen in England have contracted for it." Nevertheless, he continued to press his father-in-law, Pepperrell, to attempt to ensure the permanency of the agency, or at least to make a last minute order for Sparhawk and his associates to fill. Pepperrell, Warren and Shirley ' apparently gave approval for this last order. However, unfortunately for Sparhawk and Colman; the merchants Apthorp and Hancock eventually dominated in the struggle among colonial merchants seeking to handle Louisbourg agencies, most particularly the valuable Board of Ordnance contract. Furthermore, a British merchant firm, the Baker Brother, acquired the contract for victualling the garrison. M.H.S. Pepperrell Papers, n.p., Sparhawk to Pepperrell, January 17, February 5, March 16, May 8, 1746; Colman to Pepperrell, April 11, 1746; Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, pp. 405-412, Sparhawk to Pepperrell, December 6, 1745; pp. 430-434 Sparhawk to Pepperrell, January 17, 1746; pp. 456-461, Sparhawk to Pepperrell, March 16, 1745; P.R.O., War Office 4, vol. 41, fol. 240, Edward Lloyd to John Scrope, February 17, 1746; Harvard School of Business Administration, Baker Library, Thomas Hancock Papers, II, n.p., Thomas Hancock to Bastide, July 23, 1746; Hancock to Bastide, December 2, 1746; P.R.O., Audit Office 1, Bundle 189/588, n.p., The Accounts of Messrs. Samuel and William Baker for supplying Louisbourg, from September 15, 1746, to July 16, 1749.

[91] M.H.S., Pepperrell Papers, n.p., Sparhawk to Pepperrell, December 16, 1745; Shirley to the House of Representatives, December 23, 1745; Sparhawk to Pepperrell, January 11, 1746; Sparhawk to Pepperrell, January 21, 1746; Colman to Pepperrell, January 17, 1746; Schutz, Shirley, pp. 108-110, 110n; Baxter, Hancock, pp. 92-107; Fairchild, Messrs. Pepperrell, pp. 178-183.[92] M.H.S., 6, X, p. 442, Pepperrell and Warren to January 28, 1746; P.R.O., COS, vol. 13, fol. 111, to Newcastle, May 21, 1746.

[93] M.H.S., 6, X, p. 55, Council at Louisbourg, March 5, . 58, Council at Louisbourg, March 26, 1746; p. 85, to make Room for the Troops expected", March 5, p. 85, "Order to clean the Garrison", March 26, 1746.

[94] N.S., A29, fol. 7, Knowles to Newcastle, July 9, 1746.

[95] P.R.O., CO5, vol. 900, fol. 224, Shirley to Newcastle, September 22, 1745.

[96] Correspondence of Shirley, I, Lincoln, p. 295, Shirley to Newcastle, December 14, 1745.

[97] Ibid., pp. 295-296.

[98] P.R.O., CO5, vol. 901, fols. 7v-8, Shirley to Newcastle, May 31, 1746.

[99] Correspondence of Shirley, I, Lincoln, p. 295, Shirley to Newcastle, December 14, 1745; p. 315, Pepperrell to Shirley, April 6, 1746.

[100] Fortesque, British Army, II, pp. 62-79; Foote, American Units, pp. 155-156, 163-164.

[101 P.R.O., CO5, vol. 13, fol. 113, Pepperrell to Newcastle, June 24, 1747.

[102] P.R.O., SP41, vol. 17, n.p., Fox to Newcastle, July 31, 1746.

[103] Correspondence of Shirley, I, Lincoln, ed., Shirley to Newcastle, September 27, 1745; Colls. M.H.S., 6, X, p. 479, Pepperrell to Newcastle, May 21, 1746.

[104] Correspondence of Shirley, I, Lincoln, ed., p. 315, Pepperrell to Shirley, April 6, 1746; p. 311, Shirley to Pepperrell, March 1, 1746; Colls. M. H.S. , 6, X; p. 478, Pepperrell to Newcastle . May 21, 1746; pp. 456-457, Sparhawk to Pepperrell, March, 15, 1746; Foote, American Units, pp. 162-163.

[105] P.R.O., Adm. 1, vol. 2655, n.p., Warren to Corbett, November 23, 1745.

[106] The exact date of Knowles' birth is unknown, but is thought to have been-not earlier than 1704. He died in London in 1777. He began his naval career in 1718 aboard the Buckingham and then on the Lennox as captain's servant. From 1721 to 1726, he served on the Lyme frigate, first as captain's servant, then as able seaman. The Lyme was stationed in the Mediterranean during these years, and Knowles apparently spent much of his time ashore being educated. He acquired a knowledge of mathematics and mechanics well above average in the navy at that time, and later spoke French fluently. By 1739, he had been appointed to command the Diamond, and served in the West Indies with Vice Admiral Edward Vernon. In 1741, he acted as surveyor and engineer of the fleet during the disastrous Cartagena expedition. In 1743, Knowles superseded Warren in command of the large squadron in the Leeward Islands. Warren was ordered to return to his station at New York, and forbidden to take any of the ships assigned to Knowles. Warren was upset that he should be superseded by an officer with less experience in command, but he harboured no ill-will against Knowles. In fact, in 1744, he defended Knowles against Admiralty criticisms for alleged extravagance in fortifying English Harbour, Antigua, and even assisted Knowles financially to keep him from going to prison for debt. However, in 1745, when Warren determined to respond to Shirley's request for aid against Louisbourg, Knowles resisted Warren's attempt to take the Superbe. An unpleasant incident ensued, in which the Governor and Assembly complained that the islands and trade would be exposed to the enemy if Warren left with the ships for North America. Warren prevailed, and his success at Louisbourg justified his actions. After leaving Cape Breton Island, Knowles served as commander-in-chief at Jamaica as rear admiral of the white. In 1752, he was appointed governor of Jamaica and in 1755 was promoted to vice admiral. He became an admiral in 1760, and was created a baronet in 1765. In 1770 he served in the Russian navy, apparently entirely in an administrative capacity. He returned to England in 1774. Knowles, reputedly the son of Charles Knollys, titular fourth Earl of Banbury, lacks an adequate biography. Estimates of his career are contradictory, but agree at least that he was rather overbearing and tactless. Dictionary of National Biography, XI, Sir Leslie Stephen and Sir Sidney Lee, eds., (Oxford: University Press, 1963-65) pp. 292-295; Julian Gwyn, Admiral Sir Peter Warren, 1703-1752, his Life and Fortune, (unpublished manuscript, 1969) pp. 55, 77-78.

[107] P.R.O., CO324, vol. 37, fol. 178. Newcastle to Knowles, March 14, 1746.

[108] Sussex Archaeological Society, Peter Warren Papers, Private Letter Book, G/AM/6, Warren to Sydney Clark, June 2, 1746.

[109] P.R.O., Adm. 1, vol. 2007, n.p., Knowles to Corbett, July 5, 1746.

[110] Unable to reach Louisbourg during the winter of 1745-46, Collins and the transports carrying the Gibraltar troops put in at more southerly ports. See above., p. 224.

[111] P.R.O., Adm. 1, vol. 1603, n.p., Collins to Corbett, March 27, 1746.

[112] Ibid., Collins to Corbett, April 8, 1746.

[113] N.S., A28, fol. 126 , Warren to Newcastle, June 2, 1746; P.R.O., Adm. 1, vol. 480, fols. 167-168, Townsend to Warren, May 9, 1746.

[114] P.R.O., Adm. 2, vol. 496, fol..43, Corbett to Warren, March 13, 1746.

[115] Sussex Archaeological Society, Warren Papers, Private Letter Book, G/AM/6, Warren to Norris, June 7, 1746.

[116] Quoted in Parsons, Pepperrell, pp. 140-143, Warren to Army, April 2, 1746.

[117] P.R.O., Adm. 1, vol. 2007, n.p., Knowles to Corbett, July 5, 1746, N.S., A29, fol. 2, Knowles to Newcastle, July 9, 1746.

[118] P.R.O., SP44, vol. 186, fols. 105-109, Newcastle to Montagu, October 11, 1745; WO10, vol. 32, pay lists for Captain David Rogers' Company, Royal Artillery, 1746-1747; M.H.S., Pepperrell Papers, n.p., "Abstract of Captain David Rogers' Company of the Royal Regimt of Artillery, belonging to the Garrison of Louisbourg", May 16, 1746; The Service of British Regiments in Canada and North America, compiled by Charles A. Stewart, (Ottawa: Department of National Defence Library, 1962) p. 41.

[119] Shirley's 65th Foot was later disbanded as the 50th Foot, while Pepperrell's 66th Foot was renumbered the 51st Foot. Service of British Regiments in North America, compiled by Stewart, pp. 229-233, 274-277.

[120] Ryan was arrested in 1747 in connection with the manipulation of commissions for the regiment, and was later cashiered for selling at least one of Pepperrell's blank commissions for more than £300. Major Francis Mercer was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel in Ryan's place. New Hampshire Historical Society, Louisbourg Court Martial index of Prisoners tried at Louisbourg, 1746-48, pp. 137-152; P.R.O., WO4, vol. 44, fol. 212, Henry Fox to Judge Advocate General at Louisbourg, December 24, 1747; Foote, American Units, p. 167.

[121] P.R.O., Adm. 1, vol. 2007, n.p., Knowles to Corbett, April 17, 1746; Knowles to Corbett, July 5, 1745. The information concerning the regiments and their officers derives from Service of British Regiments in North America, compiled by Stewart, pp. 41, 163, 211, 229, 233, 274, 277; J.W. Fortescue, A History of the British Army, II, (London: Macmillan and Co., 1910) p. 265.

[122] Foote, American Units, p. 165; P.R.O., CO5, vol. 45, fol. 336v, Shirley to Newcastle, March 14, 1746.

[123] P.R.O., CO5, vol. 44, fols. 41, 129, 155, 185, 233, 243, 245, 267, Garrison Returns for June 2, July 8, September 19, November 16 1746, January 20, June 27, November 26, 1747, April 11, 1748.

[124] See Chapter Seven for details on the Canada Expedition. P.R.O., Adm. 1, vol. 480, fols. 71-72, 73-73v, two Councils of War at Louisbourg with Pepperrell and Warren present, June 6, 1745; Sussex Archaeological Society, Peter Warren Papers, G/AM/6, n.p., Warren to Corbett, June 2, 1746; n.p., Warren to Newcastle, June 7, 1746; n.p., Warren to Sir John Norris, 1746.

[125] P.R.O., Adm. 1, vol. 480, fol.. 87, Warren to Corbett, June 26, 1746; Extract from the American Magazine, June 25,.1746, printed in Beamish Murdock, A History of Nova Scotia or Acadie, 11, (Halifax; James Barne's, 1866), pp 102-103; McLennan, Louisbourg, p, 174; Parsons, Peperrell, pp. 140-143.