J.S. McLennan, Louisbourg: From Its Foundation To Its Fall (Sydney: Fortress Press, 1969)

© Fortress Press

Chapter 9

The events of 1744, and the condition of New England at the close of that season, did not indicate that so remarkable an event as the expedition against Louisbourg would take place in the following year. Massachusetts, the most enterprising and the most important of the northern colonies, had placed herself in a " posture of defense," and levies from her people had succoured Annapolis. There does not seem to have been any disposition to do more. The Memoire du Canada for this year states that an Indian Chief sent by Vaudreuil to Boston brought back a report that Shirley took an oath in the presence of eighty Councillors that he would not begin operations against the French, but that if even a child were killed, he would exert all his powers against them and their savage allies.[1] 

Massachusetts was in no condition to undertake any serious expenditures. Her treasury was empty. A lottery was authorized by the legislature (Dec. 14, 1744 ; Jan. 7, 1745), to raise £7500 for the pressing necessities of the province in " its present difficult circumstances." Her debt was excessive. Through her issues of paper money, the rate of exchange was much more unfavourable than that in the other colonies, and was sinking to a rate of ten to one, which was reached in 1747. Her fisheries were declining; and but one favourable material condition existed - the harvests of the year had been abundant. 

There had been, however, talk of military movements. A Boston newspaper published, on August 2, a London letter stating that a body of troops was to be sent to the northern colonies, "to undertake an expedition of great importance against France on that side." This is probably the basis for the report of Doloboratz, for it might well have risen to his definite figures in passing to the social stratum in which the privateer moved during his detention in Boston. Du Vivier brought back to Louisbourg from the Annapolis expedition the same report ; and the Malouin fishermen taken by New England privateers 

1.  June 30, 1744, " Divers Delegates from the Six Nations of Indians living to the Westward of Albany . . . had a conference this day with his Excellency in the Council Chamber in the presence of both Houses " (Minutes of Assembly, Mass., C.O.5/808 ; MSS. Que. 3, p. 215).

were told by their captors that an expedition against the French was in contemplation for the following year. As indicating the temper of the people of Massachusetts, it may be noted that Doloboratz said that it was only those engaged in the fisheries who were interested, that while the country folk would like to see such an expedition succeed, they did not seem to him inclined at all to support it in person, and but little as taxpayers. After speaking of the difficulty of getting men for Annapolis he goes on : 

" I have talked to many of these people. I believe on the whole that the townspeople, except the bourgeois and the superior artisans, are privateering, and that the country people will not engage without large promises and rewards. It is true that there was very easily found plenty of men to engage in the expedition to Carthagena and elsewhere in the Spanish Indies, but beyond the fact that they were disgusted with the ill success of this enterprise, they were attracted to it by the hope of the gold and silver of that country, and they are persuaded that there are more blows to suffer than gold pieces to capture in an expedition against Isle Royale, and they are free men (maistres de leur volonté). Of two hundred and fifty sent away from Rhode Island in the West India expedition not twenty had returned. [1]

The impressions of Doloboratz seem reasonable. He underestimated the resources of these plain people, " masters of their will," acting under the influence of two men, the one the Governor of the province, the other its principal citizen, President of the Governor's Council. 

William Shirley, the Governor of Massachusetts at this time, was an Englishman who emigrated to Boston in 1732, where he practised as a barrister and occupied subordinate official positions, until in 1741 he was appointed Governor. His preliminary experience was of great value to him, for he gained from it a knowledge of the people, among whom he was to represent the Crown. He was tactful, and thus found it easy to deal with the representatives of the people. He was as keen to persuade them to courses which he believed to be in the interests of the province, as to strain the authority of his commission in carrying them out. His policies were progressive, and in these troublous times expensive, and were based on the fundamental view that there was not room enough on the continent for colonies of both France and England.[2] He was industrious, a voluminous, persuasive, and clear writer, undismayed by responsibility, and to these solid qualities added a taste for military strategy, the results of which in the Seven Years' War tarnished the reputation gained by his antecedent career.

William Pepperrell was a merchant of Kittery, born in 1697, the son of a Welsh or Devonshire man who had founded the business, which his son 

1. R.I. Rec. vol. v. p. 146. Massachusetts also suffered severely. 
2. Douglass is his bitter critic. He says that the financial condition of the colony was due to his policy, and that the Louisbourg expedition was a source of gain to Shirley. 

prosecuted with such success that he was one of the richest men in the country. He was not born in the purple of New England life, among those who, in the ordinary course of family events, go to Harvard College ; his education was that of the country school, with some special instruction. His biographers note that his grammar was imperfect in early life, a thing not uncommon in more exalted circles in the eighteenth century, and certainly not unique in New England. He had received that splendid practical training of an old-time merchant, whose dealings brought him into contact with men of all conditions in his own country, and with many foreigners. No occupation is more broadening in its effect on a mind weighted by responsibility and capable of learning from a life widely diversified in its daily occurrences. His sense of responsibility to public duties is shown in his acceptance of office. At the age of thirty he was elected to the House from his own district, and after one term was appointed to the Council, to which he was annually called until his death, thirty-two years later. For eighteen years he was President of the Board. He was also colonel of one of the militia regiments of Maine. Any man whose dealings extended from the lumber camp and the fisheries to the transportation and exchange of their products in the markets of the world, a man of wealth and of position, must possess great influence in any community, the people of which are largely dependent on his activities. The fact that Pepperrell's command of the Louisbourg expedition made enlistment popular, indicates that his character inspired confidence and his disposition liking, not only in his neighbourhood, but wherever his reputation extended. 

The prominence given to these two names is not meant to reopen a discussion as to the person to whom is due the credit for proposing the expedition. The project had for years been considered as possible by French and English. When in November 1744 Shirley wrote to Newcastle proposing that an expedition against Louisbourg should be sent out from England, he was following up what Clark, Governor of New York, had written home in 1741. The latter, in his turn, held the same views as his predecessor Crosby.[1] At the same time as Clark's second reference to the matter, Shirley had sent through Kilby a description of Louisbourg and the means of attacking it, which the latter vouched for, as it was made by a kinsman of his own. Kilby, who was agent of Massachusetts in London, wrote the 30th of August 1743, recommending projects against the French, and closed his letter by urging an early attack upon Cape Breton, " the situation Strength, & every other Circumstance relating whereto, I am possess'd of a perfect & Minute account of  ..." [2] Warren was in possession of this document or similar information, for he discussed this project not only in his letters to Corbett, Secretary to the 

1. N.Y. Col. Doc. v. 96, 970 ; vi. 183, 229.
2. C.O. 217/31, p. 157.

 Admiralty,[1] but also in private letters. Therefore, the proposals of Vaughan,[2] of Bradstreet, of Judge Auchmuty, the writer of a valuable pamphlet on the Importance of Cape Breton, of a Merchant of London, who wrote in 1744 to the Ministry urging the reduction of Louisbourg, dealt with a matter that had been much discussed. 

The project was in the air. The British colonist of the eighteenth century turned his back on the potential opulence of the vast continent on the shores of which he lived, exploiting it only for a sustenance and for material with which to engage in maritime trade, of which the fisheries were the foundation. French and English from before the time that Louisbourg was settled pictured to themselves the superb monopoly which would fall to the nation which succeeded in dispossessing its rival. 

Such play of the imagination is the poetry of practical affairs, and the spring of political events. The people of New England were of an intellectual temper to feel this speculative impulse. It is as certain that the capture of Isle Royale was the theme of discussion long before conditions made the project at all practical, as that many then held the opinion that the colonies, if prosperous, would not remain faithful to the Crown ; although a score of years elapsed before events brought these slowly germinating impulses to a head. In the same way the startling accuracy of French forecasts of the method of attack on Louisbourg came from the discussions with which St. Ovide and the others relieved the dreariness of their idle hours. 

Shirley's proposition to Newcastle in December had been that six or seven ships could force the harbour and land troops, of which 1500 to 2000 would be enough. At this time he contemplated a regular expedition sent out by England, but the knowledge he gained in the next few weeks led him to propose, and finally to carry through, the expedition which was the crowning achievement of his career. [3]

The General Court of Massachusetts was in session on January 9. Shirley, apparently without taking any one into his confidence, asked its members to take an oath of secrecy as to the subject of a communication he desirec' to make. [4] 

1. Ad. Sec., In Letters, 2654, Sept. 1744. 
2 Vaughan's work in promoting the expedition, and in self-effacing services therein, were unquestionably great. His own account of them is given in pp. 360-9. Read in connection with other accounts, they give the impression that he was a man of great energy, public spirit, and self-sacrifice, but lacking in judgment and the power of working with others. The type of man in our times most likely to be found among inventors. These documents make interesting reading, and throw some light on the events narrated, and are on this ground commended to the attention of the reader. 
3. This was based on the reports of the Canso prisoners, and of other persons who had visited Louisbourg. In New England there must have been many scores of sea-faring people who knew Louisbourg as well as any but their native towns, all of which confirmed the news that the garrison was small, all of it discontented, the Swiss on the verge of mutiny, and the inhabitants suffering from a scarcity of provisions, the result of Shirley's own policy. 
4. Parkman, Half-Century, vol. ii. p. 85.

This they did, and he presented an address on the subject of an expedition against Louisbourg. This document begins by recounting that in the course of the present war Massachusetts must expect from Louisbourg " annoyance in trade, captures of provision vessels, and destruction of fisheries " ; that the interest of the province would be greatly served by the reduction of the place ; that the time was opportune, for from information which Shirley had he believed that if two thousand men were landed on the island, they could damage the out-settlements and fisheries, and lay the town itself in ruins, and might even make themselves masters of the town and harbour. He asked for suitable provision for the expenses of the expedition, which if partially successful would pay for itself, " and if it should wholly succeed, must be an irreparable loss to the enemy and an invaluable acquisition for this country." 

The next day the House appointed a Committee of eight, of whom four were Colonels and one a Captain, and the Council added seven to their number, with instructions " to sit forthwith and report as soon as may be." The result of their deliberations appears in a short address to his Excellency from both branches of the legislature, on January 12, in which, while they express approval of the scheme, they are convinced that they are unable to raise a sufficient sea and land force, and " dare not by ourselves attempt it." They pray the Governor to lay before the King the danger of the colonies from Louisbourg, and to express the disposition of the province to aid in its reduction in conjunction with other Governments. [1]

During this time Pepperrell was presumably absent from Boston. He at all events was not present at these sittings of the Council. Shirley had, unaided, made his proposal, and had failed in carrying the legislature with him. He was much cast down by their refusal. James Gibson, once an officer in the British army, then a merchant in Boston, tells that the Governor came to him and asked him if he felt like giving up the Louisbourg expedition. This led to Gibson undertaking to obtain signatures for a petition from the merchants of Boston and Marblehead, asking for a reconsideration. [2]

Pepperrell came back to town, if he had been absent, and presumably was won over by Shirley. Gibson's influential petitions were presented to the Legislature, which was addressed on the 19th and 22nd by Shirley. A new joint Committee, with Pepperrell at its head, was appointed. It examined witnesses, and reported on the 25th, to the effect that they were convinced that it was incumbent on the Government to embrace this opportunity, and proposed that the Captain-General, Shirley, issue a proclamation to encourage the enlist- 

1. Shirley at once took the matter up with Newcastle in a long letter about the advantages of Cape Breton, the danger of an attack from Louisbourg on British ships and colonies. He lays more emphasis on the advantages which would follow its capture than on these dangers (Shirley to Newcastle, Jan. 14, 1744/5, C.O. 5/900). 
2. Vaughan was active in this work. See Biographical Appendix.

ment of three thousand volunteers under officers to be appointed by him. It recommends the rate of pay of the men, that they shall have all the plunder, that warlike stores be provided, and provisions for four months, that a transport service be organized so that the force could leave by the beginning of March, and that application be made to the other colonies to furnish respectively their quotas of men. This report was concurred in by both branches the day of its presentation, and consented to by Shirley. The House voted that half a pound of ginger and a pound and a half of sugar be given to each soldier, and unanimously voted against impressing any part of the three thousand men. The majority was small. It is said that it would have been a tie had a member not broken his leg as he was hastening to vote in opposition. Other accounts say that the majority was narrow, some members known to be opposed having remained away from the House, a result which might well have been produced by the influence of important merchants who favoured the project. [1]

It seems certain that the influence of Pepperrell, exerted personally and through his associates, was paramount in bringing about this result. His later statement, [2] , it must be confessed that there would have been no Expedition against this place had I not undertook it," must refer to his course at this time rather than to his acceptance of the chief command which immediately followed. Shirley could unquestionably have found another leader. Without Pepperell's influence he failed with the General Court. When it was exerted in support of his scheme, Shirley obtained for it the necessary legislative sanction. 

Both French and English historians for the most part agree that the attacks on Canso and Annapolis Royal, the interruption of fisheries, and the devastation of privateers led the colonies to take a desperate step to avert an impending calamity.[3] There is much in a superficial reading of the official documents, e.g. Shirley's address already quoted, to sustain this view. This aspect, moreover, would be the most serviceable one to present to the legislators of provinces in acute financial distress. An expenditure to protect the state from an impending danger is always legitimate, but with a vigorous people the hope of gain is a stronger incentive than the fear of loss. It may be maintained that the real motives which led to the acceptance of Shirley's proposal, when all the facts were before the Assembly, were aggressive, not defensive. [4]

1. The House journals do not mention the oath of secrecy or the majority. Governor Wanton says it was one (R.I. Rec. vol. v. p. 145). 
2. Pepperrell to Stafford, Nov. 4, 1745, Preface to An Accurate Journal and Account, etc. 
3. " Lettre d'un Habitant," Parsons's Life of Pepperrell. 
4. "The Motives, which have induc'd the Assembly to set this Expedition on foot before Spring, are the weak Condition of the Garrison and Harbour of Louisbourg in comparison of what it will be when they shall have rec'd their supplies of Provisions, Stores and Recruits from Old France by that time, besides that the Season of the Year will be most Advantageous in March for Attacking the Town, the present Spirit of the People in this Province to attempt it at this time, and the Advantage which the Surprize of such an Expedition as well as from New England and Great Britain (in case his Majesty shall support it from thence) will give his Majesty against the Enemy " (Shirley to Newcastle, Feb. 1, I 745, C.O. 5/900, f. 157).

It is said also that fishermen thrown out of employment by the war formed a considerable part of the troops raised ; but the fact that New England privateers could not find crews, that the press-gang was organized, if not used, to secure sailors for the vessels of the province, [1]  is not compatible with this statement.  When the British colonies sent out about ten times as many privateers as the French, the latter being vastly less effective, it is not reasonable to believe that New England was seriously dismayed by French privateering or failed, in irritation at her small losses, to calculate her surpassing gains. 

These considerations lead to the conclusion that, describing Louisbourg as the Dunkirk of America as an oratorical flourish, New England had no real fear of invasion, but that the monopoly of the fisheries meant such prospective wealth,[2] that sound business insight in the leaders of her people led to their grasping an opportunity to benumb French competition in the markets of the world. This opportunity presented itself when war existed: Louisbourg was short of provisions,[3] its fortifications weak, its garrison small and mutinous. 

Shirley carried with him the most influential merchants, for their care for public advantage was stimulated by the prospect of private gain. They found a following, for at no time in its history were the people of Massachusetts more recklessly enterprising. Every motive was appealed to, as is always the case when the success of a policy depends on the support of an independent people. The expedition against Louisbourg, to the fanatic was directed against Romanism; to the timorous was a preventive of invasion ; to the greedy a chance for plunder ; and to all, an object for the self-sacrifice of every patriotic Briton. 

Shirley's activity in the week which followed the decision to undertake the expedition was prodigious. On February i he wrote a long dispatch to Newcastle. He laid before him plans for the expedition, informed him about the artillery he could provide. [4] He had also communicated with the other governments, and had received a favourable reply from New Hampshire and Rhode Island. The plan for the expedition was based on that handed into the Committee,[5] but modified by Shirley with the help of Bastide, the engineer of Annapolis Royal, who was in Boston at the time. 

Shirley had already discovered the impossibility of arranging matters for 

1. Parsons. 
2. "Besides we had not the same dependence upon, and expectation of advantages from the fishery as Massachusetts and New Hampshire had, which undoubtedly was a main inducement to their people to list so cheerfully as they did (Governor Wanton, R.I. Records, vol. 5). 
3. The burden of Shirley's reproaches to Captain W. was that the privateer he let slip captured several vessels laden with provisions, to the benefit of the French at Louisbourg, "who so much wanted 'em."
4. Eight 22's, one 24, two 9 and 11 inch mortars. 
5. Apparently by Vaughan (Parkman, Half-Century).

the expedition to sail by March 1, as recommended by the Committee, and at this time was in hope to get it away by the middle of the month. All saw the great importance of blockading the port before the arrival of the ships from France, which, from what was known of Louisbourg and its condition, the New Englanders felt would be sent out at the earliest moment. Some merriment has been created by the proposal of Vaughan to take Louisbourg by surprise. It may be said the plan with undisciplined men under untrained officers required too many accurate conjunctions to be successful. In detence of its projector, it may be recalled that Du Vivier, certainly familiar with the conditions of Nova Scotia, proposed to enter Annapolis when its ditches were filled with snow ; that the drifts at Louisbourg. at least once, were deep enough to make it necessary to dig sentries out of their boxes, and that its Governors had united in holding that a surprise of the place was more to be feared than a regular attack. It is to be noted that this element in the preliminary plan on which the legislators voted to undertake the expedition was abandoned by Shirley. "As to that Part of the Scheme, which is propos'd for taking the Town by Surprise, so many Circumstances must conspire to favour it, and so many Accidents may defeat it, that I have no great dependence upon it, and shall guard as well as I can by Orders against the Hazard that must attend it." His project was at this time, February 1, to make a base at Canso, land near the town and make an attack on the Royal Battery, the weakness of which on the landward side was known to him and his advisers. The bombardment of the town was to follow, without, it would appear, any prospect of carrying it, but with fair hope of holding the position until the arrival of an English naval force.[1] In event of being unable to do this, he felt sure that the buildings and fishing gear, not only of the environs of Louisbourg, but of other places on the island, could be destroyed, and that the colonial forces could retire to Canso and there encamp until advices were received from Great Britain as to whether or not the King would support the expedition with ships and troops.[2]

Shirley carried with him Benning Wentworth, Governor of New Hampshire, so far that he was induced to strain the credit of his province in a case of such urgency, by issuing more paper money, Vaughan being his representative in these delicate negotiations. Having succeeded in this, Shirley complicated the situation by a flourish of diplomatic courtesy, in intimating to Wentworth that had it not been for his gout, Shirley would have appointed him to the chief command. Wentworth assured Shirley that this would not prevent him serving. Shirley was thus forced to throw the onus of not accepting this offer on various people of consideration whom he consulted in the matter.

 1. To Newcastle, Feb. I, 1745. 
2. Although Shirley did not think well of a surprise, it is included in his instructions to Pepperrell, as he was about sailing (M.H.S. first series, vol. 1). 

They were clearly of the opinion that a change in the command would be prejudicial. [1]

The pay offered was 25s. per month and a blanket, besides the ginger so promptly voted by the House. Other inducements were offered, such as that those who enlisted were not liable to be pressed for service on the vessels of the province, and for them processes of law for the collection of debt were suspended until their return from the campaign. 

While the determination of causes which led to the taking up of an expedition like this is hypothetical, there is no question that the decision having been made, the people threw themselves heartily into the project. The complete militia system of New England made this easy, and it was along the lines of an existing organization that recruiting proceeded. There was some hesitation in certain districts at the outset, on account of doubt as to whom the command of the expedition would be given, as well as about the company officers. Various officers took active steps to secure their men ; one Captain Sewall began his work by giving the men of his militia company a dinner ; he also increased their pay from his own pocket, and offered to provide for any wives and families that might be left destitute. Others were as eager, if less free-handed, and very shortly complaints arose of the officers poaching on each other's companies. The allotment of commissions gave trouble to Shirley as well as to Wentworth, who said he would rather be a porter than a Governor. But these are the drawbacks of earnestness and activity. Shirley was active and foresighted, his legislature prompt in passing acts, and the officers of the forces and members of committees were efficient. The course of events as detailed in the records of these busy weeks displays the actions of a capable people, trained to the dispatch of business. Chief among the active was Vaughan, who was too unbalanced to be trusted with an executive office, but whose zeal had done much to ensure the undertaking of the expedition, for he had gathered witnesses, secured signatures to the petitions, and harangued. When it was determined upon he rode post here and there, and his impetuous haste must have appeared to Shirley and Pepperrell, who considered means as well as ends, that of a meddler. 

" I have desired ye gentl at York to march one compa next Mondy to Boston, to give life & Spring to ye affair. I hope yoou'l encourage ye same. I have written to Doctor Hale to desire ye Govr. to ordr. to be at Boston next week, for dispatch is ye life of businesse. I have proposed ye 2000 men, if no more, be ready to sail by ye twentyeth day of ye month. Portsmo, Feb. 8, 1744." [2]

The general eagerness to serve and the importance of Pepperrell's opinion are shown in the letters received by him from willing participants in the 

1. Half-Century, vol. ii. p. 91. 
2. M.H.S. sixth series, vol. 10. Vaughan accompanied the expedition as a member of the Council of War.

expedition. One gentleman, rejected as a surgeon, wrote begging that he might go in any capacity, and reported to the General that he had already made some progress in enlisting. A clergyman informed Pepperrell with inexpressible pleasure, that he had been appointed a captain ; another friend expressed his regret that the legislature of New Hampshire, of which he was a member, would not allow him to serve. A gentleman, whose iconoclastic zeal has been quoted by Parkman in Half-Century (vol. ii. p. 98), wrote in terms of such perfervid piety that it is difficult, with our changed standards, to find in them the note of sincerity ; particularly, as his excuse for not going on the expedition is the only one of those given which seems inadequate. [1]

Mr. John Gibson followed up his work in stirring up the merchants of Boston and Marblehead to approach the legislature, by raising a company at his own charges and commanding it on the expedition. He had the unusual distinction, when the Parliament of Britain defrayed the expenses, to be named in the Act with the colonies. The response of the other Northern Colonies was considerable and prompt. In view of the emergency Wentworth ignored the royal prohibition to issue any more paper-money, and the little Province of New Hampshire sent a regiment of 500 men, 150 of them being at the charges of Massachusetts. [2] Connecticut raised 516 men, and to their commander, Roger Wolcott, was accorded the rank of Major-General, which made him second to Pepperrell.

Rhode Island on the 5th of February authorized her sloop Tartar [3] to assist in the expedition ; a month later, the raising of  150 men. Its legislature reconsidered this action on learning that Shirley was acting on his own initiative, [4] but later, at an unspecified date, passed an act encouraging soldiers to enlist for service in the expedition. The full regiment of 500 men authorized by this act did not serve, but apparently three companies went, which were incorporated in Pepperrell's regiment, under commission from the Governor of Rhode Island, which was dated early in June. They thus arrived at Cape Breton too late to take part in the siege. The response from the Southern Colonies was much less satisfactory. New York loaned some guns to Shirley ; but its legislature debated ten days as to what they could do, and voted £3000 ; but a new legislature being elected, this sum was by it increased to £5000. [5] New jersey 

1. M.H.S. sixth series, vol. 10, contains letters which display the attitude of Massachusetts and New Hampshire. 
2. 304 men were in the New Hampshire regiment. 
3. The Tartar was the colony vessel. She carried fourteen guns and twelve swivels. 
4. Their defence, a sound one, is in R.I. Rec. vol. 5, p. 145. Extracts therefrom at the end of this chapter. 
                                         5. ADMIRAL WARREN TO GOVERNOR WANTON 

                                Louisbourg, September 13, 1745. 

.... "You see, air, I speak here as an American and a well wisher to the colonies : and am therefore really sorry the particular one I mean, New York, to which I am nearest related, has not had a greater share in this great acquisition ; for it's a mistaken notion in any of the colonies, if they think they are not greatly interested, even the remotest of them, in the reduction and support of this conquest, which will quiet them all in their religious and civil rights and liberties, to latest times, against a designing, encroaching, and powerful enemy, and increase our trade in the fish, fur, and many other valuable branches, to such an advantageous degree to the colonies, and our mother country, as must ever induce them to be extremely grateful to those who have opened so fair a channel for the increase of wealth and power " (Rhode Island Colonial Records, vol. 5, p. 144). 

gave £2000 in July, which was laid out in provisions, and Pennsylvania, prevented by the peaceable principles of some of its people from providing arms, gave ,£4000 for provisions and clothing. 

The brigadiers to the expedition were Samuel Waldo, like Pepperrell a large land-owner and merchant, and Joseph Dwight, who was Colonel of the artillery. Its active head was Richard Gridley, to whom we owe that map of Louisbourg which has been so frequently copied. The success of the enlistment was so great that 3250 men were raised. The Committee of War, whose chairman was Mr. John Osborne, was active in providing for these troops. A naval force and transport was of the utmost importance. Massachusetts bought a new brig of about four hundred tons, armed her as a frigate, and placed her under the command of Capt. Edward Tyng, who had previously served the Commonwealth, and distinguished himself as the captor of Doloboratz. He was in command of the flotilla. 

Pepperrell discharged the military duties he had assumed as he would carry on any business operation. He asked advice from Mr. J. Odiorne,[1] a merchant of Portsmouth, who was familiar with the coasts of Acadia and Cape Breton. Odiorne urged a prompt attack, at which he thought their men would be better than at a regular siege, and, as a second resort, to hold their ground until reinforcements arrived, " if itt should cost us halfe our substances." Advice was volunteered to him by the Rev. John Barnard, probably on the ground that that gentleman had in 1707 been at the siege of Annapolis. In the universal enthusiasm and the certainty that the expedition was favoured by Heaven,[2] it may be noted that he is one of the few who modified his statement on this point by saying, " I doubt not but the cause is God's, so far as we can well say any cause of this nature can be." Shirley made efforts in every direction to obtain armed vessels, as the colonial armed vessels were inadequate to protect the transports or themselves from the forces they might expect to meet. The men-of-war on the American station which were within easy reach were under orders from the Admiralty to act as convoys, [3] and he found himself without any promise of assistance from them with the exception of the Bien Aimé, a prize commanded by Captain Gayton. 

1. Mr. Odiorne spells the name of the place " Lewisbrug," possibly a phonetic effort, for the same pronunciation is still extant locally. The New England form of " Chapeau Rouge," which appears in the documents for the Bay, always spelled by the French Gabori or Gabarus, seems to have come from the " little knowledge " of the " linguisters " of the expedition, who would be more familiar with the spoken than the written name. The local pronunciation of Mainadieu preserves its more ancient form of spelling Menadou. 
2. M.H.S. vol. 10, pp. 108 and 114.
3. Eltham, Rippon's Prize. 

Shirley applied to the Commodore of the station for assistance,[1] sending a dispatch to him to the West Indies, where the fleet was then cruising. This officer was Peter Warren, a native of County Meath, who had entered the navy at fifteen as an ordinary seaman. His professional advancement was rapid and at forty-two he found himself a Commodore, somewhat broken in health, and anxious to obtain an appointment as Governor of the Jerseys or to reach the " pinickle " of his ambition by succeeding Clinton as Governor of New York. Mrs. Warren, a native of New York, did not care for the " Beau Mund," so that at this time he looked forward to retiring from the sea and spending the remainder of his days, if a Governor's chair were denied him, on a property he owned at Greenwich, Long Island.[2] Notwithstanding these views, he had applied in September for command of all ships in North America, which was given to him.[3] Before he received Shirley's letter the project of an expedition against Louisbourg was familiar to him. As already stated, he also wrote about it to Corbett, Secretary of the Navy,[4] and to his friend the Hon. Geo. Anson, then Lord of the Admiralty, with whom, notwithstanding the differences in social and professional rank, he was on terms of frank intimacy. Warren was fully alive to the importance of reducing the French power, and set forth clearly in a letter to Anson its many advantages. He goes on : 

"Yet I think it wou'd be in vain to attempt Lewisbourg, without a moral Certainty of Success. As it is a very regular fortification, and has always a Strong Garrison of regular troops in it, I submit whether it is not likely, that it will hold out a Siege longer than the season will allow the Besiegers (if not numerous enough to take it by storm) to keep the Field, and what can they do in that case in the winter ? - It is certain if Ships go into the Harbour to attack it the people must determine to Succeed or dye. Where that is the case, there shou'd be (I believe the world will allow) a Strong possibility of Success. 

" What I have here sett forth, being granted, how is it to be effected ? What number of ships from England of Regular troops or artillery and other Ordnance Stores will be necessary ? And what quantity of Provisions, and other Stores, of all kinds, will be proper for such an undertaking ? And what part will the Colonies themselves take in such an attempt ? Whether they will assist in it heart and hand ? What assistance, and in what Shape, will each different Government that is willing to assist give its assistance. Whether in Money, Shipping, Men or Provisions? 

" By forming all this into a proper plan, it will not be very hard to judge of the probability of succeeding, or not, in such an attempt. And the formation of it previous to the Execution, cannot be any Expense to Great Britain, or the Colonies. And when it is form'd, and approv'd, then let it be Executed with all the Intrepidity, that becomes good Officers, and Men, both of Sea and Land. 

1. Jan. 29, Ad. Sec., In Letters, No. 38I7. He also asked assistance from Sir Challoner Ogle and Admiral Darvers, who replied in the negative (Ad. Sec., In Letters, vol. 233) 
2. In an article on Greenwich Village by T. A. Janvier, Harper's Magazine, Aug. 1893, is a pleasant account of Warren's life there. 
3. In Letters, 2654; Out Letters, 486. 
4. Sept. 8, 1744, from New York (Ad. Sec., In Letters, vol. 2654.

"But to undertake an affair of such consequence and Expence, too rashly, that must, if they fail in it, Involve both England and the Colonies, in a large debt to no purpose, I think wou'd be madness, both in the Advisers, and the Executors, of such an attempt. 

"What you mention with regard to an Expedition in Embrio against Cape Britton, is what I have long consider'd as of the greatest consequence to our Country, this my good friend Mr. Corbet and myself have exchang'd some private letters upon, and I have, tho' in a very Inaccurate manner, formerly run over some of the benefits that wou'd accrue from it, and some steps necessary to be taken previous to the attempt, which I beg leave to address to you, for your Private and Candid opinion, as the Inaccuracy of it will not bear the light, tho' the matter, if well digested, is worthy of the Ministrys most serious deliberation. 

"What the event will be of Mr. Shirleys scheme, who is a very worthy man, I won't take upon me to prejudge, but when time lets me more into it, you shall know. 

" I beg leave to assure you, nothing shall be wanting on my part, so farr as I have power or Capacity to serve my King and Country, and I am persuaded, I can do it in no shape better, than in that scheme, if attended with success, and I have none more at heart, tho' I cou'd have pitch'd upon none attended with a prospect of greater uneasyness, and less personal advantage, I mean where Booty is esteem'd so, which I hope will never be so with me." [1]

Shirley's letter to Warren, dated January 29, went over much the same ground as his dispatch to Newcastle of February 1, but dwelt, as was natural, on the military aspect of the expedition, and clearly set forth the importance of the naval assistance, which he assumed Warren would send. " I must acknowledge that the hopes I have Entertained of it have been of no small Encouragement to me in forming this Expedition." He goes on then with the arts of the politician, displayed as in the case of Wentworth, to say, " and if the service in which you are engaged would permit you to come yourself and take upon you the command of the Expedition, it would, I doubt not, be a most happy event for His Majesty's service and your own honour. " [2] Two fifty or forty gun ships in March were what Shirley asked for, or even one, and with Warren to follow with his force, Shirley was persuaded the place might be taken in May, or invested until help from England could be received in June.[3] This letter found Warren in trouble, his effective force diminished by the loss of the 

1. B.M. Add. MSS., 15,957, f. 152. 
2. Shirley's care to placate all who could help him makes inexplicable to the writer his springing the project on the Assembly. 

Shirley, had he to deal with a touchier man than Pepperrell, might again have gratuitously created embarrassment as in the case of Wentworth. He placed himself in a position to make trouble with Pepperrell and with Warren. He wrote to the former, April 22 : 

" I doubt not, Sir, from the extraordinary conduct and vigilance with which you have hitherto acted for His Majesty's service, that you will instantly give orders to Tyng and the other cruisers to follow the Commodore's directions and orders to them, and omitting of which may create a most unhappy disagreement and variance between you and Mr. Warren, which may prove fatal to the service. Had I not received these precise orders from his Majesty, which so evidently give Mr. Warren a general command at sea, in all expeditions from hence, I should have insisted upon my command given you over the sea forces (which, as it is, is only suspended during Capt. Warren's presence, and would revive upon his going off) against every person whatsoever, and you must be sensible that this is not a preference given to him by me, but only acting in obedience to his Majesty's orders" 

(M.H.S. 1, p. 19, Shirley to Pepperreil). 
3. Ad. Sec., In Letters, no. 3817.

Weymouth. Warren consulted his captains,[1] who unanimously reported that the proper course for Warren was to send the North American ships to their stations, the Mermaid to New York, and the Launceston to New England, and to forward Shirley's letter to the Admiralty by an express; and that, until receipt of a reply, Warren should not alter the ordinary course of proceeding, but remain cruising in the West Indies. The grounds for this decision were that the expedition had not received his Majesty's approbation, nor had they received orders thereon from the Admiralty ; that taking the ships off their stations would greatly weaken the British West Indies, at a time when a report was current that a French squadron was expected shortly at Martinique, " and can be of no great service in such an undertaking." 

This italicized expression of opinion is so extraordinary over the signatures of the captains of a naval squadron, that it must be interpreted in the light of Warren's opinions that Louisbourg was a strong place, defended by a garrison of regular troops, with no convenient anchorage in the vicinity for ships of war and transports, that the expedition had been hastily planned, and might be abandoned before they arrived,[2] so that the opinion was held by them that it was foredoomed to failure. It has never been the opinion of seamen that in conjoint expeditions their branch was of lesser importance. Warren gave orders to the Launceston and Mermaid to go north, and was on the point of setting out on a cruise when Capt. Innis arrived in the sloop Hind. [3] He had been dispatched from England, early in January, with orders for Warren, which, if he were in danger of capture, he was instructed to sink. [4]

The instructions in the usual sources [5] contain only Warren's commission as Commander-in-Chief, for which he had asked power to hold court-martials and warrants to impress seamen ; but Warren's letter speaks of definite orders to proceed with Launceston, Mermaid, Weymouth, and Hastings to Boston. Corbett, Secretary to the Admiralty, in sending these documents [6] heartily wishes him success in all his operations against the enemy. The colonial Governors were advised by Newcastle that Warren had been ordered to go northwards to protect the colonies and fisheries, and, " as occasion shall offer, attack and distress the enemy in their settlements, and annoy their fisheries and commerce." [7] This we may take as the substance of the orders which Warren received, for his intention, when he left Antigua on March I3, was to act in concert with Clinton and Shirley. He took for his flagship the Superbe, which gave great offence to Knowles, her former captain, his irascible and influential second, from which Warren feared disagreeable consequences. He sailed for Boston with 

1. Feb. 23, 1744/45, Harbour Antigua.
2. Warren, March 10/45, In Letters. 
3. March 8
4. Out Letters, 486 and 63, f. 55 
5. Ad. Sec., Out Letters, vol. 486 and 63, also the Newcastle correspondence in the British Museum. 
6. Jan, 4., Ad. Sec., Out Letters, 486. 
7. R.I. Doc. vol. 5, p. 132, Shirley, April 3 ; C.O. 5/809.

her, the Launceston, and Mermaid, on March 13, in company with two small armed vessels and ten sail of merchantmen.[1] 

If Warren's preliminary views were cautious his actions were eager. Unless his instructions were more definite than those of which records are extant, he interpreted them in the widest sense, and put into adequate action the opinions he had a few days before expressed to his friend. " These are considerations worthy of a discreet Officer, who should not, but upon the best grounds, attempt to put his Country to Expence, and probably himself to shame. When these difficulty's that occur to such an Officer are obviated, by the Sound reasoning of others, or by Self conviction, he will then go on with becoming Vigour and Gallantry, that cannot fail to have a good effect upon all that serve under his command." His fleet fell in, on April 10, with a schooner from Marblehead, "who Informed us that a Fleet of 63 Sail had sailed 14 days on Sunday last with 5000 Men for Canso under the Command of 'Generall Pepperall.' " [2] Warren took the master on board to act as pilot, as he was unfamiliar with the waters,[3] and proceeded direct to Canso. He sent word to Shirley of his course, greatly to his relief [4] for Warren's refusal to join the expedition had been communicated by the former only to Pepperrell and one or two important people. Shirley had, however, pushed on with his preparations, amid difficulties and delays. At last he saw the troops gathered together and embarked on the transports, which with the armed vessels lay in Nantasket Road, whence, much to the relief of the wearied Governor, the Massachusetts contingent sailed on March 24 for Canso, which had been selected as their base. 

Warren also gave instructions to Captain Durell of the Eltham, which had wintered in Boston, to act as convoy to mast ships from Piscataqua. On the 16th of April the ships he was to protect had dropped down the river, and the next day they all were actually under way when Warren's orders arrived, [5] so " that 5 minutes delay would have put him out of our reach." Durell's account is, tc just as I was ready to sail with the Mast Ships froin New England to return Home I received orders from Commodore Warren to join him off this Harbour (Canso), which commands were so agreeable that I made all despatch possible." [6]

Newcastle's response to the representations of Shirley, and others which have been noted, did not stop with sending Warren for the defence of the Northern Colonies. When he was informed of the Louisbourg expedition, he sent out 

1. His letter of March 10. 
2. R.O. Logs, vol. 820. 
3. He had been once there in the Squirrel. 
4. Shirley in a speech, April 17, thus acknowledged Warren's action : "The cheerfulness and zeal with which Mr. Warren undertakes this Service, & the great Concern he bad for the success of it, & the Prosperity of these Provinces . . . greatly recommends him to our respect & affections." £50 worth of live stock were presented to Warren by the Assembly of Massachusetts as a token of respect (C.O. 5/809). 
5. M.H.S. vol. 10, p. 129.
6. A Particular Account.

with the utmost dispatch no less than eight men-of-war to augment Warren's force before Louisbourg and as guardships. [1]

The vigour of Pitt had been so often contrasted with the sloth of Newcastle, that it is interesting to note that in this matter Newcastle's Government acted with the greatest promptness. Captain Joshua Loring arrived in London with four letters of Shirley's [2] on March 16. The Admiralty met at once, ordered the Hector and Princess Mary to sea to assist Warren, and sent Loring, who had only been in London a few hours, with the express " at half-past midnight " to return to Cape Breton on the Princess Mary. [3] 

After a passage,[4] which the General describes as " rough and somewhat tedious," the Massachusetts contingent arrived at Canso on the 4th of April, where the New Hampshire troops had landed on the 1st. The day after landing Pepperrell called together his Council of War, which, even without any representatives of Connecticut, had seventeen members present. He submitted to them the instructions he had received, and the army was divided into four sections, to land at a selected point on Gabarus Bay, three miles from the town and four from the Grand Battery. Canso was seen to be a suitable place. A blockhouse, brought with them ready framed, was erected, armed with eight-pounders, and called " Cumberland " in honour of that Royal Duke. It was resolved to push on to Gabarus Bay with the first favourable wind and weather, although the train of artillery and part of the troops had not arrived. 

A projected attack on St. Peter's, about eighteen miles across the Bay, was deferred, but the expedition to cut off the vessels with provisions believed to be at Bale Verte was sent out. The ice on the coast fortunately prevented them from pushing on to Louisbourg without artillery, and with their provision vessels, so uncertain in their arrival, owing to the prevailing winds, that Pepperrell writes on the 10th "that they soon would be put in greater danger of famine than sword." Their two principal cruisers, the Massachusetts and the Shirley, had provisions for only ten days, and, by computation, the army only for a month. This was a situation serious enough to justify Pepperrell's appeal for help to the Chairman of the War Committee. But the activity of their cruisers brought some aid : two vessels with rum and molasses, both valuable commodities to their army, were captured and brought to Canso. Captain Tyng and the other armed vessels had been sent to cruise off Louisbourg. There they had a running fight with a French frigate, the Renommé, Captain Kersaint, which left France for Cadiz on the 7th of February, where she waited 

1. These vessels were the Lark, Hector, Princess Mary, Princess Louisa, Canterbury, Chester, Sunderland, and Wager . (Ad. Sec., Out Letters, vol. 63). 
2. 5-9-14th Jan., 1st Feb. 
3. C.O. 5/900 ; Ad. Sec., Out Letters, 50, 63. 
4. "Our men was exeding sick and did vomet very much as they would Dy the seas running mountaining," is the account of another diarist.

until the 10th of March, and after crossing the Atlantic had this encounter in the fog and ice off Louisbourg. She then cruised to the westward. On the Cape Sable shore she fell in with the seven transports carrying the Connecticut troops under the convoy of the Connecticut sloop and the Tartar belonging to Rhode Island. The ever-active Shirley had suggested that the Tartar should make the voyage with the Connecticut forces as a safeguard. It was fortunate that his proposal was accepted, for Fones, her captain, was a bold and skilful sailor. He led Kersaint to chase him away from the little fleet, which reached Canso in safety, and having accomplished this, the Tartar escaped from the frigate after nightfall. [1] Kersaint then proceeded to the Bale des Castors in Acadia, and after remaining there attempted to make Louisbourg, but was driven off by contrary winds, and then returned to Brest on June 19. [2]

The situation was changed on the 22nd by the arrival of the Eltham, followed the next day by Warren and his other ships. No time was lost in visits or exchange of courtesies between the Commanders. Letters passed between them, and Warren sailed at once to blockade Louisbourg. The Connecticut contingent reached Canso on the 25th. With the forces thus complete, the first part of the movement had been carried through with remarkable celerity. They were in possession of their base ; their armed vessels were off Louisbourg ; the provincials were on the eve of putting to the test the value of their preparations and the steadfastness and skill of the officers and men. 

1. IR.I. Rec. vol. 5, p. 138 and 155. 
2. A.M.B.4 vol. 56, p. 228, and vol 57, p. 291, contain the précis of this voyage, and that of De Salvert's squadron, which returned to Brest on the 12th of October. The latter took some prizes, among them the Prince of Orange, from whom they learned of the fall of Louisbourg, and the large fleet on the coast of Isle Royale. De Salvert attempted to meet the vessels of the India Company, but in bad weather and fog missed them all. He made for Newfoundland on his return to France, in which two of his ships were dismasted. The documents themselves are wanting, so that this is the little information which can be given of the French expedition to relieve Louisbourg. From a captured letter we learn that Du Vivier had come on De Salvert's squadron, and had been placed by him in command (although he bad never been at sea) of the frigate Le Parfait. He took The Two Friends, which was again recaptured off Louisbourg (Ad. Sec., In Letters, No. 2655).