ERIC KRAUSE
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ERIC KRAUSE REPORTS
MY HISTORICAL REPORTS
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An Event Chronology Based on Louisbourg Accounts Not Available in the Archives of the Fortress of Louisbourg, By Eric Krause, Krause House Info-Research Solutions, 2004 - Present
1759
1759
[1759]
A journal of the expedition up the river St. Lawrence: containing a true and most particular account of the transactions of the fleet and army under the command of Admiral Saunders and General Wolfe, from the time of their embarkation at Louisbourg 'til after the surrender of Quebeck. / By the serjeant-major of Gen. Hopson's grenadiers. Boston: : Printed and sold by Fowle and Draper, at their printing-office in Marlborough-Street., 1759.
[January 11, 1759]
From a late English Paper. To the PRINTER, &c.
SIR,
NOW that Cape Breton is happily fallen again into our hands, it is hoped due care will be taken that it shall ever remain with us. We very well know the motives that induced a pusillanimous administration to restore it to France at the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. It was not to recover Fort St. George, in the East Indies, but to save the Dutch, and to procure for the House of Austria a restitution of their possessions in the Netherlands. How gratefully they have repaid us, let even their own advocates decide: it is too obvious to be disputed.
We are, I thin, in no danger of seeing that important conquest once more slip out of our hands: We have ministers of spirit, integrity, and vigilance; men who will support our allies by all means in their power, and yet never lose sight of Britain immediate interest.
From the time that Queen Ann last ministry reached out a
compassionate hand to France, bade he rise from her forlorn,
abject state, and be once more a mighty nation, the French set
themselves to improve their fisheries: In this capital article
of commerce the French increased very fast after the treaty of
Utrecht, and became our most dangerous rival herein. They had
a considerable whale fishery, and their fishermen of St. John
de Luze, Bayonne, and other parts in that part of the bay of
Biscay, became the most expert harponneers in the world, not
excepting the Dutch, and the Hamburghers.
Besides the whale fishery, the French took another step, of far more consequence to Great Britain: They exceedingly increased their fishery to Newfoundland, as well on the coast as on the Great Bank. This increase of their fishery we too sensibly felt many years. Nor did they fish only on the Great Bank of Newfoundland for that kind of fish which is cured without drying, but they had the address to wheedle us out of the Island of Cape Breton, with liberty to fortify and do what they please there: by which means they erected, in America a second Dunkirk, which obliged us to keep large garrisons at Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, to guard against a surprize from Louisbourg. Before the breaking out of the present war, they were become so much our rivals in this trade, and had increased it so prodigiously, that they employed yearly above five hundred sail of shipping from St. Malo, Granville, Rochelle, St. Martins, Isle of Rea, Bayonne, St. John de Luze, Sibour, &c. to carry on their North American Fisheries; whereby they not only supplied themselves with the fish they formerly had from us, but furnished many parts of Span and Italy therewith, to our exceeding great loss.
Some have computed that the French usually employed at least a thousand sail in this fishery, from 200 to 400 tons, and 20,000 men. In the year 1730 a computation was made of 220,000 quintals of fish at Marseilles only, for a market; and communibus annis, they cured above five millions of quintals.
And it is likewise computed, that the English being in the sole possession of this most valuable branch of trade, it may,
with proper management, annually return to this nation two
millions sterling, for the manufactures yearly exported to our
plantations and constantly employ thousands of families,
otherwise unserviceable to the public, besides greatly
encreasing shipping and mariners. It is further observable,
that while the English solely supply foreign markets with this
commodity, Roman Catholic states must have a fort of
dependency on them. 'Tis needless to enlarge farther on the
importance of Cape Breton, as it is sufficiently understood.
The history both of France and England shew us, that since the former procured leave to fish at Newfoundland, and had Cape Breton ceded to her, she revived her power at sea, and her royal navy augmented in proportion to the number of ships employed in those fisheries; but as we have at length happily dispossessed them, it will be absolutely incumbent on us not to let them creep in there any more, that we may not have the same trouble and expence to run through again.
The next thing incumbent on us to undertake, in order to complete the ruin of the French commerce and navigation, is to sweep them quite off the coast of Africa; and I am glad to see it affirmed in some of the public papers, that the Government is going to follow the blow lately given them at Senegal, by sending a squadron, with some land forces, to drive them from their other forts and settlements on the African coast. If we succeed in this necessary and important enterprize, the consequence will be, that the French Islands in the West Indies will become useless to them, and in time dwindle away to nothing, for want of slaves to cultivate them. PROBUS.
Boston, January 15, 1759.
Last Sunday Night Capt. John Malcom arrived here in 10 Days from Louisbourg, who informs us, That the Day he came out he met his Majesty Ship Arundel commanded by Capt. Martin, who desired of him a Pilot that was acquainted with the Harborer of Louisbourg, which he put on board; Capt. Martin informed him he had a large Quantity of Money on board for the Pay of the Troops there ...
Philadelphia, January 18, 1759.
TO be sold on Saturday, the 20th Instant, at Six o'Clock in the Evening, at the London Coffee House, to the highest Bidder, The BRIGANTINE LOUISBURGH, formerly called the PEGGY, Burthen about 50 Tons, Philadelphia Tonnage, built at Kensington in August 1756, a prime Sailor, now lying at Fishbourn Wharff; with all her Tackle and Furniture, agreeable to Inventory, to be seen at the London Coffee House.
Portsmouth, in New Hampshire, Jan. 26.
... A few Days ago Capt, Josiah Beale arrived at York from Louisbourg ...
July
14, 1912
The North American
[January 27, 1759]
... Received Jany 27th, 1759, of Richard Hockley forty-five shillings in full for 45 Pains of Glass put into the Windows of the House belonging to my Mother and John Snowden 16 whereof belonged to her part and 29 to my brother Johns broke on the rejoicing night for the reduction of Louisbourgh and hired for the use of the Honourable the Proprietaries ...
Philadelphia, February 1.
... The Hayfield Henderson is arrived at Louisbourg from this Port. ...
New York.
[February 8, 1759]
Feb. 5. Thursday last his Majesty Ship the Rose, of 20 Guns, ----- Clieve, Commander, arrived here from Kinsale, in 8 Weeks: He sailed from England the 24th of October, being Part of the Convoy to the Fleet of Merchantmen and Store Ships bound to different Ports of North America, as has been already mentioned in this Paper; but was obliged to put into Ireland by contrary Winds: He left Kinsale the first of December, having nine Vessels under Convoy, three of which were bound for this port, the others for Louisbourg and Halifax, but parted from them ten Days ago in a Gale of Wind. About a Month since, 1000 Leagues to the Eastward Bermuda, Capt, Clieve fell in with two Transports belonging to Commodore Hughes Squadron, Having Highlanders on board, bound to Barbados ...
[February 8, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, ...
OUTWARDS.
... Brig Louisbourg, John Dalton, for Jamaica ...
[February 9, 1759]
... The Princess Royal has been dead some time: and yet the Dutch and we continue in amity, and put on our weepers together. In the mean time our warlike eggs have been some time under the hen, and one has hatched and produced Gor`ee. The expedition, called to Quebec, departs on Tuesday next, under Wolfe, and George Townshend, who has thrust himself again into the service, and as far as wrongheadedness will go, very proper for a hero. Wolfe, who was no friend of Mr. Conway last year, and for whom I consequently have no affection, has great merit, spirit, and alacrity, and shone extremely at Louisbourg. I am not such a Juno but I will forgive him after eleven more labours.Prince Edward asked to go with them, but was refused. It is clever in him to wish to distinguish himself; I, who have no partiality to royal blood, like his good-nature and good-breeding. ...
[Source: Horace Walpole, The Letters of Horace Walpole, Earl of Orford: Including Numerous Leters now first published from the Original Manuscripts in Four Volumes, Volume 2, 1749-1759, London: Richard Bentley, 1846, February 9, 1759]
... Extract of a Letter from Halifax, February 17.
"This Day arrived here the Ship Maxwell, Capt. Barnes, from England: He came out with the Arundel Man of War, and has been on the Coast for several Weeks past, lost most of her Masts, and in the late Storm lost four Men. As soon as the Admiral heard of her being near, he dispatched a Sloop with Men, Provisions, &c. to assist the poor distressed Ship, by which Means she arrived safe. She is loaded with Coals for the Garrison of Louisbourg."
Philadelphia, February 22.
... The Queen of Sheba, Chapman, from London, for New York, foundered 70 Leagues West of the Lizard; the Crew saved, and carried to Portsmouth, by Captain Donaldson from Louisbourg ...
[February 22, 1759]
Custom House, Philadelphia ...
Cleared. Brig Louisbourg, J. Dalton, to Jamaica ...
[March 8, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, INWARD
ENTRIES ...
Ship Louisbourg, Samuel Nuttle, from Jamaica ...
[March 8, 1759]
... Yesterday morning arrived here the brig St. Patrick, Capt. Briscoe; she sailed from Liverpool for Louisbourg, but meeting with contrary winds bore away from New York, and was also blown off that coast, and obliged to stand for the West Indies, where she arrived, after being 18 weeks at sea.
[March 10, 1759]
... Province of the Massachusetts Bay, April 23.
Admiral Saunders having, by a Letter dated the 10th of March (off the Western Islands, on his Passage to Louisbourg) informed his Excellency the Governor, that he should proceed early up the River where the Fleet and Army would stand in Need of frequent Supplies and Refreshments, --- desires that his Excellency would make it known to the People of the Province, that such of them as are willing to carry any such Supplies, shall not on any account have their Men taken from them, or detained. And that for their Encouragement, some Ships will be always cruizing at the Mouth of the River, form whom they will receive all the Protection and Intelligence that may be needful ...
... Extract of a Letter from Louisbourg, March 13.
"This Day about Noon, returned from a Scout a Part of Ranges, who were sent out some Time ago by the General, to see if they could discover any of the Enemy on this Island: They brought in with them, 18 French Prisoners, equipped with Arms and Ammunition, and left behind them about 100 more, Men, Women, and Children, who were not able to travel to this Place. They left a Party to wait upon them, and conduct them to this Place as soon as the Weather will permit. We are informed by these Prisoners which are already come in, that last Fall a Sloop from Boston to St. John, was cast ashore, and that they and their Comrades murdered the People and plundered the Vessel; this was done at the back side of the Island. They also say, that another Vessel was drove on shore since the Surrender of this Place, whose Crew they treated as they did the former. It is supposed to be a Vessel from this Port to Newfoundland, with King Stores on board." ...
[March 15, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia,...
OUTWARDS.
... Ship Louisbourg, Samuel Nuttle, for Antigua ...
[March 15, 1759]
[New York]
... The Success
of His Majesty Arms, by the Blessing of God, in the Reduction of the strong
Fortress of Louisbourg, under the Conduct of his Excellency General AMHERST, I
look upon as a happy Presage, by the same divine Blessing, of future Success
under his Direction: May you then, and the other Northern Colonies, so
strengthen his Hands, as to enable him to remove the Enemy at such a Distance,
that we may never
hereafter dread their Attempts, or cruel Irruptions. ...
[Spring, 1759]
[Spring, 1759]
... Coll. Hunt.
A single Adventure, Expedition, Undertaking or Incident in a Mans Life often
renders him attentive forever afterwards attentive to Matters of that sort.
Coll. Hunt was highly entertained and gratified with my Relation of the Gallant
bloody Action between thean English Privateer and two frenchmen in the West
Indies. It Engaged his Attention, and gave him a high Pleasure, when which Mr.
Olivers Project of improving Husbandry, and making Profits, was not able to do.
He hearkened to the story of the fight, but was cold to the Project of inriching
his Country. [illegible] He learned this acquired at Louisbourg this Admiration
of Bravery,at Louisbourg and which all the Perplexity, Disgrace, and Indigence,
which he has been brought to endure, since his Return from that Expedition, has
never been able to extinguish.
He gained favour
[illegible] ...
[Source: John Adams diary 3, 1759 [electronic edition]. Adams Family Papers: An Electronic Archive. Boston, Mass. : Massachusetts Historical Society, 2002 - Page 10 http://www.masshist.org/digitaladams/ ]
[March 22, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia,...
CLEARED.
Ship Louisbourg, Samuel Nuttle, to Antigua ...
Philadelphia, April 5.
By Advices, of
good Authority, from London, we are
assured, that the French Court has made overtures of Peace to
that of England; that they proposed, on cape breton being
restored to them, they would give up Minorca, all the Neutral
Islands, and settle the Limits of North America to the
Satisfaction of the English: But we have the Pleasure of
assuring our Readers, that their Proposal was rejected with
Scorn. And it is also said, that the French are in the utmost
Distress, with Respect to the Raising Supplies sufficient for
carrying on the War this Campaign; and that, on the contrary,
our Ministry have been offered thrice the sum they want. ---
So well are the People of England satisfied, that what they
give is solely applied in supporting the Dignity of the
British Crown; for the Good of their Country; and in
distressing the common Enemy. ...
... From cape breton we have Advice, that a Party of Rangers had been out on a Scout, and brought in 18 Frenchmen; who informed, that there were still about 150 French Inhabitants on that Island. The Winter there has been very severe ...
[April 5, 1759]
"Port of Charles Town So. Carolina Continued A List of All Ships & Vessells that have Enter’d Inwards in Sady Day Quarter ending 5th April 1759"
"Time of
Entry" "[Mar] 5"[ /] "Ship or Vessels Names"
"Polly"[ /] "Masters Names" "George Noarth"
[ /] "Kind of Built" "Sch[oonr]" [ /]
"Tons" "200" [ /] "Guns" "8" [
/] "Men" "15" [ /] "where & when Built"
"afr: Prize this War" [
/]"where & when Registered" "Louisbourg 27th Decr 1758" [ /]
"The Owners
Names" "Gilbert Berelay, Jno Hay & s:d
Masvr: of Louisbourg" [ /] "The General Cargo ... " -
700 buss Salt
- 36 barrels flour [ /] "The General Cargo ... " "The
Package & contents of Other Goods" [None mentioned] [ /]
"From whence Arrived" "Louisbourg" [ /] "where
& when Bond Given" [None mentioned] [Great Britain, Board of Trade
Shipping lists for South Carolina, CO 5/510, ff. 65-66]
April 8, 1759 - June 4, 1759
[April 8, 1759 - June 4, 1759]
April
|
Louisbourg was
appointed the place of rendezvous for assembling the forces
destined for the service of this expedition ; but as the
harbour might not be open early enough, Halifax, which was
within a short run of it, was likewise appointed for the
same purpose, and there the first steps in America relating
to that service were taken. |
The first
accounts of the intended expedition came to Halifax, in the
beginning of April, and a squadron of eight men-of-war of
the line, which had wintered there, under the command of
Admiral Durell, began to prepare for a cruize in the Gulf
and River of St. Lawrence. |
|
April 8th.
|
The Honourable
Brigadier-General Murray, who was appointed upon the staff,
being at Halifax, in garrison, made an application to
Brigadier-General Lawrence, the governor, for providing such
necessaries for the service of the siege, as might be
procured there to advantage, and conveniently transported.
The governor readily complied with this demand, and without
loss of time gave directions accordingly. |
April 22nd.
|
The Honourable
Brigadier-General Monckton, the second in command, arrived
from the Continent, who, being acquainted with the
particulars to be provided, approved of their being
forwarded. |
April 30th.
|
Admiral
Saunders arrived with a fleet from England ; he had made
attempts to get into Louisbourg, but was prevented by the
ice, which still remained in great quantities along that
coast . Major-General Wolfe, commander in chief of the
expedition, the Honourable Brigadier-General Townshend, and
Colonel Carleton, deputy quartermaster general, with some
other officers, arrived in the fleet. This evening there was
a detachment of 650 men from the garrison of Halifax, two
engineers, a proportion of intrenching tools, an officer and
a small detachment of artillery, with a couple of field
pieces, under the command of Colonel Carleton, ordered on
board Admiral Durell's fleet, which still remained in the
harbour, and now in readiness to sail. This command was to
take place in one of the islands of the river which should
be most advantageous for preventing succours from going to
the enemy. |
May 2nd.
|
The
preparations begun at Halifax were approved of by the
general, and, with some other additional articles, ordered
to be forwarded with all possible despatch ; and the fleet
from England began to refit and water with great diligence.
|
May
3rd.
|
Admiral
Durell's fleet sailed this morning down the harbour, but the
wind proving contrary, they were obliged to anchor at
Mauger's Beach, where they remained till the 5th, and then
got to sea. |
May
13th.
|
This morning
Admiral Saunders sailed for Louisbourg, with all the ships
that were in readiness. We met Admiral Holmes off Cape
Sambro with two ships, the Somerset and Terrible; these
ships having met with rough weather at sea, and got some
damage, were ordered into Halifax to refit. Admiral Holmes
hoisted his flag on board another ship, and proceeded with
us to Louisbourg. Brigadier-General Monckton remained at
Halifax to see that garrison embark, and to forward some
particulars relating to the expedition. |
May
14th.
|
In the morning
we made Cape Canso ; about noon we made the island of Cape
Breton, the coast of which was still full of ice ; in the
evening we got into Louisbourg harbour, where we found the
Bedford and Prince Frederick, which had wintered there, and
the Northumberland, lately arrived from England. |
May
17th.
|
The Nightingale
and convoy with Frazer's battalion arrived from New York.
The general ordered such further necessaries as were not
already provided at this place, with all possible despatch.
The troops were now coming in daily, as the weather
permitted, which was often so foggy that many vessels must
have run ashore upon the coast, if the noise of the surf had
not apprized them of their danger. The easterly winds which
brought the fogs, brought likewise great quantities of ice,
and made the navigation still more troublesome. The harbour
of Louisbourg was so full for several days, that there was
no getting on board nor ashore without a great deal of
trouble and some danger. |
May
31st.
|
Brigadier-General Monckton arrived with four battalions from
Halifax, and two battalions from the hay of Fundy. Our whole
force was now assembled, consisting of ten battalions, three
companies of grenadiers from the garrison of Louisbourg, a
detachment of artillery, and five companies of rangers, the
whole amounting to 8585 men fit for duty, officers included
; they were proportioned on board the transports to the best
advantage. They were landed for air and exercise, when the
weather permitted, during our stay, and these opportunities
were taken to stow the water and provisions on board. The
transports were divided into three divisions, under the
command of Brigadier- Generals Monckton, Townshend, and
Murray, each on board of a frigate with a distinguishing
pendant to lead and repeat the signals of the division. |
June
4th.
|
This morning Admiral Saunders sailed out of Louisbourg harbour with as many of the fleet as could follow ; but the wind coming contrary soon afterwards, there was a considerable part left behind and remained till the 6th in the morning, during which time the admiral kept in the offing, then the remaining part came out, and the whole made sail in the evening ... |
[Source: [Major Moncrief, Engineer*], "A SHORT ACCOUNT of THE EXPEDITION AGAINST QUEBEC, COMMANDED BY MAJOR-GENERAL WOLFE, IN THE YEAR 1759. BY AN ENGINEER UPON THAT EXPEDITION*" in First Number of the Corps Papers and Memoirs on Military Subjects. Compiled from Contributions of the Officers of the Royal and East India Company's Engineers, Volume 1 (London: John Weale, High Holborn, 1848), pp. 3-4. - http://books.google.com/books?id=gyF-AAAAMAAJ
New York, April 9.
... Saturday last his Majesty Frigate, the Diana, Alexander Schomberg, Esq; Commander, arrived here from Portsmouth, having brigadier General Prideaux on board. She has on board, for the Use of his Majesty Troops, 18 Chests of Money. The Diana sailed from Portsmouth, the 13th of February, in Company with the Somerset, Admiral Holmes; the Northumberland, Lord Colvil; the Intrepide, Trident, and Terrible, all of the Line; and the Trent, Seahorse, Vistula, and Sixty Transports, bound to this Port. The Ships of the Line were to proceed to Louisbourg or Halifax, after they had seen the Transports safe in a certain Latitude ...
... Extract of a Letter from Boston, dated April 11.
"We have Advices this Day from Lisbon, down to the 30th of April, the King of Spain is still living, and may live a good while. They had a Rumour at Lisbon, of an Alliance between France, the Empress Queen, King of Sardinia, and King of Naples; but this does not seem to come authentic; they also write of a great Advantage gained by Prince Ferdinand, wherein he had destroyed three whole Regiments: That the Windsor had taken a French East Indiaman outward bound, and the Achilles, a 60 Gun Ship vastly rich. This letter seems a Confirmation of the Account Lord Colvil brought to Louisbourg. The Men of War and Troops there, are all ready to sail, consisting of 10,000 men in high Spirits ...
[April 12, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, INWARD ENTRIES ...
Schooner Fisher, James Barnes, from Louisbourg ...
New York, April 16.
Friday last His Majesty Ship the Lizard, of 20 Guns, Capt. Doakes, arrived here from Portsmouth, which she left the 18th of February, with the following Ships under Admiral Saunders, bound to Louisbourg, all of whom the Lizard left about five Weeks since off the Banks of Newfoundland, so that in all Probability the Fleet may be arrived at Cape Breton by this Time, viz.
The Neptune of 90 Guns, with the Flag, Admiral Saunders; the Royal William of 84 Guns; the Oriflamme of 74; the Shewsbury of 74; the Stirling Castle of 70; the Medway of 60; the Dublin of 74; and the Alcide of 70; together with three Bombs, and three Fireships.
There were two other Ships of the Line came out with the Fleet, bound up the Streights. ...
[April 19, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, ...
OUTWARDS ...
Schooner Fisher, James Barnes, for Louisbourg ...
CLEARED ...
Schooner Betsey, John Ruxby, to Ditto [Halifax] and Louisbourg ...
New York, April 23.
... Sunday Morning last ....
The same Day returned here from a Cruize also, the Privateer Brig New York, Captain Doran; having taken nothing since the large Spanish Ship she carried into Louisbourg (soon after that Place surrendered to Admiral Boscawen) in Company with the Columbine, Captain Lane, her Consort, taken by them off Newfoundland, bound to Louisbourg. ...
Boston, April 23.
... On Saturday last two Detachments of our Province Troops, the one under Col. Frye, for Fort Cumberland, the other under Capt., Gay for Pisquid, embarked from Castle Island for their several Destination; and we hear his Excellency has ordered Capt. Hallowell, in the King George, to escort them to the Bay. The detachments for Annapolis, St. John, Halifax, Lunenbourg and Louisbourg have likewise hear are all preparing to embark. ...
[April 26, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia,...
CLEARED ...
Schooner Fisher, James Barnes, to Louisbourg ...
Halifax
COPY of a Letter, taken in a Prize by Admiral Durrell Squadron.
Quebec, April 30, 1759.
Dear Brother in Law,
"The Letter your favoured me with, of the 16th of January,
I received with the greatest Pleasure ... We have learnt
by a Prisoner, taken the 6th of last Month, at Carillon, that
at Albany they daily expected the Arrival of 6000 old British
Troops, commanded by the General Officer who took Louisbourg,
he has the Character of being a Man of great Experience, and
one whom our General must be cautious of ...
By a Vessel arrived here from Louisbourg, we have Advice, that two Days before she left that Place, one Captain Clark, in a Schooner, wit his Family had lived at Quebec about two Years, but not inclining to tarry with them any longer, he and the other two Men, which came with him, contrived to make their Escape; accordingly they took a Birch Canoe, with which they went on board a small Sloop that lay at Anchor a little Way down the River, on board of which were two Frenchmen, and after obliging them to help to weigh Anchor, and hoist the Sails, they gave the Frenchmen the Canoe, and sent them ashore; in the Sloop they proceeded down the River, they came to a small Settlement, where lay a Schooner, which they liking better than the Sloop, took Possession of, and burnt the Sloop; they then went on Shore, well armed and killed 18 French and Indians, five of whom they scalped, and then returned to the Schooner, and set sail for Louisbourg, where they arrived with the Scalps as above ...
Philadelphia
Extract of another Letter from Antigua, May 1.
"I can now, with great Pleasure, congratulate you on the Surrender of Gaudaloupe and Grandterre, &c. an Acquisition, beyond all Dispute, as valuable as any that has been made during the War, and for which we are greatly indebted to the good Conduct of Commodore Moore, and General Barrington. We have not as yet any authentic Account of the Terms of Capitulation. By the Time Matters can be well settled at Guadaloupe, we hope for a strong Reinforcement, and that Commodore Moore will be able to keep M. Bompar from getting out. Let this be done, and I make no Doubt of giving you Joy on a Conquest as glorious to Britain, and as fatal to the French, as the Loss of Louisbourg was to them." ...
Newport, May 1.
Yesterday arrived here Capt. Deane, in eight Days from Halifax, which gives us the Opportunity of informing the Public, and we do it with the greatest Pleasure, of the Arrival of Admiral Saunders, with the finest Squadron of His Majesty Ships that have ever yet appeared in North America. Capt. Deane has favoured us with a List of the Ships just arrived, and of those already at Halifax and cape breton, which follow in Order.
Ships Names Guns. Men. Ships Names. Guns. Men Neptune,
90
900
Oxford,
66
550 FRIGATES &c. Fireship, 20
200
Bomb
18
100
|
In all 15 Ships of the Line, and of Frigates, Fireships, and Bomb Ketches, 7.
SHIPS at Halifax
and cape breton. FRIGATES
|
10 Ships of the Line and 4 Frigates, which makes 25 Ships of the Line, and 11 Frigates, &c.
Ten of the above Ships are to cruize between Halifax and the River St. Lawrence; the Sutherland and Porcupine to cruize between Halifax and Boston, and three Ships of the Line are to be employed in guarding the Coast between New York and Philadelphia; which we make no Doubt, in due Time, will give a good Account of the French 64 Gun Ship and Frigate, which Admiral Coates informed the Merchants of Jamaica, he had certain Advice were ready to sail, to cruize on the Coast of Philadelphia. There arrived some Transports with the Fleet, but Capt. Deans cannot be positive with respect to the Number. ...
Boston, May 7.
... Saturday last Capt. Mason arrived at Marblehead from Louisburgh, which he left the Tuesday before, and informs, that Admiral Saunders, with 12 Sail of the Line, and 28 Transports were arrived there, and that a 50 Gun Ship, three Fire ships, three 20 Gun Ships, and 12 Transports, were arrived at Halifax; Capt. Mason also informs, that the Transport arrived at Louisburgh had Troops on board, but that those which arrived at Halifax were empty; and that he had brought Dispatches for his Excellency General Amherst. ....
May 9, 1759
London Chronicle
[May 9, 1759]
_A New Englandman to the Printer of the London Chronicle: A
Defense of the Americans_
_To the Printer of the_ CHRONICLE.
SIR, While the public attention is so
much turned towards _America_, every letter from
thence that promises new information, is pretty
generally read; it seems therefore the more necessary that
care should be taken to disabuse the Public, when those letters
contain facts false in themselves, and representations injurious to
bodies of people, or even to private persons.
In your paper, No. 310. I find an
extract of a letter, said to be from a gentleman in
General _Abercrombie_'s army. As there are
several strokes in it tending to render the colonies despicable, and
even odious to the mother country, which may have ill consequences;
and no notice having been taken of the injuries contained in that
letter, other letters of the same nature have since been published,
permit me to make a few observations on it.
The writer says, `_New England_ was
settled by Presbyterians and Independents, who took
shelter there from the persecutions of Archbishop
_Laud_; -- _they still retain their original character,
they generally hate the Church of England_,' says he. If it were
true, that some resentment still remained for the hardships their
fathers suffer'd, it might perhaps be not much wondered at; but the
fact is, that the moderation of the present church of _England_towards
Dissenters in _Old_ as well as _New England_, has quite
effaced those impressions; the Dissenters too are become less rigid
and scrupulous, and the good-will between those different bodies in
that country is now both mutual and equal.
He goes on: _`They came out with a
levelling spirit, and they retain it. They
cannot bear to think that one man should be
exorbitantly rich and another poor, so that, except in the seaport
towns, there are few great estates among them. This equality
produces also a rusticity of manners; for in their language, dress,
and in all their behaviour, they are more boorish than any thing you
ever saw in a certain Northern latitude.'_ One would imagine from
this account, that those who were growing poor, plundered those who
were growing rich to preserve this equality, and that property had no
protection; whereas in fact, it is no where more secure than in the
_New England_ colonies, the law is no where better executed, or
justice obtain'd at less expence. The equality he speaks of, arises
first from a more equal distribution of lands by the assemblies in
the first settlement than has been practised in the other colonies,
where favourites of governors have obtained enormous tracts for
trifling considerations, to the prejudice both of the crown revenues
and the public good; and secondly, from the nature of their
occupation; husbandmen with small tracts of land, though they may by
industry maintain themselves and families in mediocrity, having few
means of acquiring great wealth, especially in a young colony that is
to be supplied with its cloathing, and many other expensive articles
of consumption from the mother country. Their dress the gentleman
may be a more critical judge of than I can pretend to be; all I know
of it is, that they wear the manufactures of Britain, and follow its
fashions perhaps too closely, every remarkable change in the mode
making its appearance there within a few months after its invention
here; a natural effect of their constant intercourse with _England_,
by ships arriving almost every week from the capital, their respect
for the mother country, and admiration of every thing that is
_British_. But as to their language, I must beg this gentleman's
pardon if I differ from him. His ear, accustomed perhaps to the
dialect practised in the _certain northern latitude_ he mentions, may
not be qualified to judge so nicely in what relates to _pure
English_. And I appeal to all Englishmen here, who have been
acquainted with the Colonists, whether it is not a common remark,
that they speak the language with such an exactness both of
expression and accent, that though you may know the natives of
several of the counties of _England_, by peculiarities in their
dialect, you cannot by that means distinguish a _North American_.
All the new books and pamphlets worth reading, that are published
here, in a few weeks are transmitted and found there, where there is
not a man or woman born in the country but what can read: and it
must, I should think, be a pleasing reflection to those who write
either for the benefit of the present age or of posterity, to find
their audience increasing with the increase of our colonies; and
their language extending itself beyond the narrow bounds of these
islands to a continent, larger than all _Europe_, and to a future
empire as fully peopled, which _Britain_ may probably one day possess
in those vast western regions.
But the Gentleman makes more
injurious comparisons than these: `_That latitude_, he
says, has this advantage over them, that it has
produced sharp, acute men, fit for war or learning, whereas the other
are remarkably simple or silly, and blunder eternally. We have 6000
of their militia, which the General would willingly exchange for 2000
regulars. They are for ever marring some one or other of our plans
when sent to execute them. They can, indeed, some of them at least,
range in the woods; but 300 Indians with their yell, throw 3000 of
them into a panick, and then they will leave nothing to the enemy to
do, for they will shoot one another; and in the woods our regulars
are afraid to be on a command with them _on that very account._' I
doubt, Mr. Chronicle, that this paragraph, when it comes to be read
in _America_, will have no good effect, and rather
increase that inconvenient disgust that is too
apt to arise between the troops of different corps, or
countries, who are obliged to serve together. Will not
a _New England Officer_ be apt to retort and say, What
foundation have you for this odious distinction in favour of the
officers from your _certain northern latitude_? They may, as you
say, be _fit for learning_, but, surely, the return of your first
General, with a well-appointed and sufficient force from his
expedition against _Louisbourg_, is not the most shining proof of his
_talents for war_. And no one will say his plan was _marred by us_,
for we were not with him. -- Was his successor, who conducted the
blundering attack and inglorious retreat from _Ticonderoga_, a New
England man, or one of _that certain latitude_? -- Then as to the
comparison between _Regulars_ and _Provincials_, will not the latter
remark, That it was 2000 New England _Provincials_, with but about
150 _Regulars_, that took the strong fort of _Beausejour_ in the
beginning of the war, though in the accounts transmitted to the
English Gazette, the honour was claimed by the regulars, and little
or no notice taken of the others. -- That it was the _Provincials_who
beat General _Dieskau_, with his _Regulars_, _Canadians_, and
_`yelling' Indians_, and sent him prisoner to _England_. -- That it
was a _Provincial-born_ Officer (* 1), with _American_ battoemen,
that beat the _French_ and _Indians_ on _Oswego_ river. -- That it
was the same Officer, _with Provincials_, who made that long and
admirable march into the enemies country, took
and destroyed Fort _Frontenac_, with the whole French
fleet on the lakes, and struck terror into the heart
of _Canada_. That it was a _Provincial_ Officer
(* 2), _with Provincials_ only, who made another
extraordinary march into the enemy's country,
surprised and destroyed the _Indian_ town of _Kittanning_, bringing
off the scalps of their chiefs. That one ranging Captain of a few
_Provincials_, _Rogers_, has harrassed the enemy _more_ on the
frontiers of _Canada_, and destroyed _more_ of their men, than the
_whole_ army of _Regulars_. -- That it was the _Regulars_ who
surrendered themselves, with the Provincials under their command,
prisoners of war, almost as soon as they were besieged, with the
forts, fleet, and all the provisions and stores that had been
provided and amassed at so immense an expence, at _Oswego_. That it
was the _Regulars_ who surrendered Fort _William Henry_, and suffered
themselves to be butchered and scalped with arms in their hands.
That it was the _Regulars_, under _Braddock_, who were thrown into a
panick by the `_yells_ of 3 or 400 Indians,' in their confusion shot
one another, and, with five times the force of the enemy, fled before
them, destroying all their own stores, ammunition, and provisions! --
These _Regular Gentlemen_, will the _Provincial rangers_ add, may
possibly be _afraid_, as they say they are, _to be on a command with
us_ in the woods; but when it is considered, that from all past
experience the chance of our shooting them is not as one to an
hundred, compared with that of their being shot by the enemy, may it
not be suspected, that what they give as the _very account_ of their
fear and unwillingness to venture out with us, is only the _very
excuse_; and that a concern for their scalps weighs more with them
than a regard for their honour.
Such as these, Sir, I imagine may be
the reflections _extorted_ by such provocations from
the Provincials in general. But the _New England
Men_ in particular will have reason to resent the remarks on
their reduction of _Louisbourg_. Your writer proceeds, `Indeed they
are all very ready to make their boast of taking _Louisbourg_, in
1745; but if people were to be acquitted or condemned according to
the propriety and wisdom of their plans, and not according to their
success, the persons that undertook that siege merited little praise:
for I have heard officers, who assisted at it, say, never was any
thing more rash; for had one single part of their plan failed, or had
the French made the fortieth part of the resistance then that they
have made now, every soul of the New Englanders must have fallen in
the trenches. The garrison was weak, sickly, destitute of
provisions, and disgusted, and therefore became a ready prey; and,
when they returned to France were decimated for their gallant
defence. Where then is the glory arising from thence?' --
After denying his facts, `that the garrison was weak,
wanted provisions, made not a fortieth part of the
resistance, were decimated,' &c. the _New England_ men
will ask this regular gentleman, If the place was well
fortified, and had (as it really had) a numerous garrison, was
it not at least _brave_ to attack it with a handful of raw
undisciplined militia? If the garrison was, as you say, `sickly,
disgusted, destitute of provisions, and ready to become a prey,' was
it not _prudent_ to seize that opportunity, and put the nation in
possession of so important a fortress at so small an expence? So
that if you will not allow the enterprize to be, as we think it was,
both _brave_ and _prudent_, ought you not at least to grant it was
_either one_ or _the other_? But is there no merit on this score in
the people, who, tho' at first so greatly divided, as to the making
or forbearing the attempt, that it was carried in the affirmative, by
the small majority of _one_ vote only; yet when it was once resolved
on, _unanimously_ prosecuted the design (* 3), and prepared the means
with the greatest zeal and diligence; so that the whole equipment was
completely ready before the season would permit the execution? Is
there no merit of praise in laying and executing their plan so well,
that, as you have confessed, not a _single part_ of it failed? If
the plan was destitute of `propriety and wisdom,' would it not have
required the _sharp acute_ men of the _northern latitude_ to execute
it, that by supplying its deficiencies they might give it some chance
of success? But if such `remarkably silly, simple, blundering
_Mar-plans_,' as you say we are, could execute _this plan_, so that
not a _single part_ of it failed, does it not at least show that the
plan itself must be laid with _some_ `wisdom and propriety?' -- Is
there no merit in the ardour with which all degrees and ranks of
people quitted their private affairs, and ranged themselves under the
banners of their King, for the honour, safety, and advantage of their
country (* 4)? Is there no merit in the profound secrecy guarded by
a whole people, so that the enemy had not the least intelligence of
the design, till they saw the fleet of transports cover the sea
before their port? -- Is there none in the indefatigable labour the
troops went thro' during the siege, performing the duty both of men
and horses; the hardships they patiently suffered for want of tents
and other necessaries; the readiness with which they learnt to move,
direct, and manage cannon, raise batteries, and form approaches (*
5); the bravery with which they sustained sallies; and finally in
their consenting to stay and garrison the place after it was taken,
absent from their business and families, till troops could be brought
from England for that purpose, tho' they undertook the service on a
promise of being discharged as soon as it was over, were unprovided
for so long an absence, and actually suffered ten times more loss by
mortal sickness, thro' want of necessaries, than they suffered from
the arms of the enemy? The nation, however, had a sense of this
undertaking different from the unkind one of this gentleman. At the
treaty of peace, the possession of _Louisbourg_ was found of great
advantage to our affairs in _Europe_; and if the brave men that made
the acquisition for us were not _rewarded_, at least they were
_praised. Envy_ may continue a while to cavil and detract, but
_public virtue_ will in the end obtain esteem; and honest
impartiality in this and future ages will not fail doing justice to
merit.
Your _gentleman writer_ thus
_decently_ goes on. `The most substantial men of
most of the provinces are children or grandchildren of
those that came here at the King's expence, that is,
thieves, highwaymen, and robbers.' Being probably a military
gentleman, this, and therefore a person of nice honour, if any one
should tell him in the _plainest_ language, that what he here says is
an absolute falsehood, challenges and cutting of throats might
immediately ensue. I shall therefore only refer him to _his own
account in this same letter_, of the _peopling_ of _New England_,
which he says, with more truth, was by _Puritans_ who fled thither
for shelter from the persecutions of Archbishop _Laud_. Is there
not a wide difference between removing to a distant
country to enjoy the exercise of religion according to
a man's conscience, and his being transported thither
by law as a punishment for his crimes? This
contradiction we therefore leave the _gentleman_ and _himself_ to
settle as well as they can between them. One would think from his
account, that the provinces were so many colonies from _Newgate_.
The truth is, not only _Laud_'s persecution, but the other publick
troubles in the following reigns, induc'd many thousand families to
leave _England_, and settle in the plantations. During the
predominance of the parliament, many royalists removed or were
banished to _Virginia_ and _Barbadoes_, who afterwards spread into
the other settlements: The Catholics shelter'd themselves in
_Maryland_. At the restoration, many of the depriv'd nonconformist
ministers with their families, friends and hearers, went over.
Towards the end of _Charles_ the Second's reign and during _James_the
Second's, the dissenters again flocked into _America_, driven by
persecution, and dreading the introduction of popery at home. Then
the high price or reward of labour in the colonies, and want of
Artisans there, drew over many, as well as the occasion of commerce;
and when once people begin to migrate, every one has his little
sphere of acquaintance and connections, which he draws after him, by
invitation, motives of interest, praising his new settlement, and
other encouragements. The `most substantial men' are descendants of
those early settlers; new comers not having yet had time to raise
estates. The practice of sending convicts thither, is modern; and
the same indolence of temper and habits of idleness that make people
poor and tempt them to steal in _England_, continue with them when
they are sent to _America_, and must there have the same effects,
where all who live well owe their subsistence to labour and business,
and where it is a thousand times more difficult than here to acquire
wealth without industry. Hence the instances of transported thieves
advancing their fortunes in the colonies are extreamly rare, if there
_really is_ a single instance of it, which I very much doubt; but of
their being advanc'd there to the gallows the instances are plenty.
Might they not as well have been hang'd at home? -- We call _Britain_the
_mother_ country; but what good mother besides, would introduce
thieves and criminals into the company of her children, to corrupt
and disgrace them? -- And how cruel is it, to force, by the high hand
of power, a particular country of your subjects, who have not
deserv'd such usage, to receive your outcasts, repealing all the laws
they make to prevent their admission, and then reproach them with the
detested mixture you have made. `The emptying their jails into our
settlements (says a writer of that country) is an insult and
contempt, the cruellest perhaps that ever one people offered another;
and would not be equal'd even by emptying their jakes on our tables.'
The letter I have been considering,
Mr. _Chronicle_, is follow'd by another, in your paper
of Tuesday the 17th past, said to be _from an officer
who attended Brigadier General_ Forbes _in his march
from_ Philadelphia _to_ Fort Duquesne; but wrote probably by
the same gentleman who wrote the former, as it seems calculated to
raise the character of the officers of the _certain northern
latitude_, at the expence of the reputation of the colonies, and the
provincial forces. According to this letter-writer, if the
_Pensilvanians_ granted large supplies, and raised a great body of
troops for the last campaign, it was not obedience to his Majesty's
commands, signified by his minister Mr. _Pitt_, zeal for the King's
service, or even a regard for their own safety; but it was owing to
the `General's proper management of the Quakers and other parties in
the province.' The withdrawing of the Indians from the French
interest by negotiating a peace, is all ascribed to the General, and
not a word said to the honour of the poor _Quakers_ who first set
those negotiations on foot, or of honest _Frederic Post_ that
compleated them with so much ability and success. Even the little
merit of the Assembly's making a law to regulate carriages, is
imputed to the General's `multitude of letters.' Then he tells us,
`innumerable scouting parties had been sent out during a long period,
both by the General and Colonel _Bouquet_, towards Fort _Duquesne_,
to catch a prisoner, if possible, for intelligence, but never got
any.' -- How happened that? -- Why, `It was the _Provincial troops_
that were constantly employed in that service,' and they, it seems,
never do any thing they are ordered to do. -- _That_, however, one
would think, might be easily remedied, by sending _Regulars_ with
them, who of course must command them, and may see that they do their
duty. _No; The Regulars are afraid of being shot by the Provincials
in a Panick_. -- Then send all Regulars. -- _Aye; That was what the
Colonel_ resolved _upon_. -- `Intelligence was now wanted. (says
the letter-writer) Col. _Bouquet_, whose attention to
business was [only] very considerable [that is, _not
quite so great_ as the General's, for he was not of
the _northern latitude_] was _determined_ to send NO
MORE Provincials a scouting.' -- And how did he execute this
determination? Why, by sending `Major _Grant_ of the Highlanders,
with _seven_ hundred men, _three_ hundred of them Highlanders, THE
REST _Americans_, _Virginians_, and _Pensilvanians_!' No _blunder_this, in our
writer; but a _misfortune_; and he is nevertheless one
of those _`acute sharp'_ men who are _`fit for learning!'_ -- And how
did this Major and seven hundred men succeed in catching the
prisoner? -- Why, their `march to Fort Duquesne was _so conducted_that
the _surprize_ was _compleat_.' -- Perhaps you may imagine,
gentle reader, that this was a surprize of the enemy. -- No such
matter. They knew every step of his motions, and had, every man of
them, left their fires and huts in the fields, and retired into the
fort. -- But the Major and his 700 men, _they_ were _surprized_;
first to find no body there at night; and next to find themselves
surrounded and cut to pieces in the morning; two or three hundred
being killed, drowned, or taken prisoners, and among the latter the
Major himself. Those who escaped were also _surprized_ at their own
good fortune; and the whole army was _surprized_ at the Major's bad
management. Thus the _surprize_ was indeed _compleat_; -- but not
the disgrace; for _Provincials were there_ to lay the blame on. The
_misfortune_ (we must not call it _misconduct_) of the Major was
owing, it seems, to an un-named and perhaps unknown _Provincial_
officer, who, it is said, `disobeyed his orders and quitted his
post.' Whence a formal conclusion is drawn, `That a Planter is not to
be taken from the plow and made an officer in a day.' -- Unhappy
_Provincials_! If _success_ attends where you are joined with the
Regulars, they claim all the honour, tho' not a tenth part of your
number. If _disgrace_, it is all yours, though you happen to be but
a small part of the whole, and have not the command; as if Regulars
were in their nature invincible, when not mix'd with Provincials, and
Provincials of no kind of value without Regulars! Happy is it for
you that you were present neither at _Preston-Pans_ nor _Falkirk_, at
the faint attempt against _Rochfort_, the route of _St. Cas_, or the
hasty retreat from _Martinico_. Every thing that went wrong, or did
not go right, would have been ascribed to you. Our commanders would
have been saved the labour of writing long apologies for their
conduct. It might have been sufficient to say, _Provincials were
with us!_
But these remarks, which we only
suppose may be made by the provok'd provincials, are
probably too severe. The generals, even those
who have been recall'd, had in several respects great merit, as
well as many of the officers of the same nation that remain, which
the cool discreet part of the provincials will readily allow. They
are not insensible of the worth and bravery of the _British_ troops
in general, honour them for the amazing valour they manifested at the
landing on _Cape Breton_, the prudence and military skill they show'd
in the siege and reduction of _Louisburg_, and their good conduct on
other occasions; and can make due allowance for mistakes naturally
arising where even the best men are engag'd in a new kind of war,
with a new and strange enemy, and in a country different from any
they had before experienc'd. Lord HOWE was their darling
(* 6), and others might be nam'd who are growing daily
in their esteem and admiration. -- There are also among
the regular officers, men of sentiments, concerning the colonies,
more generous and more just than those express'd by these
letter-writers; who can see faults even in their own corps, and who
can allow the Provincials their share of merit; who feel pleasure as
_Britons_, in observing that the _children_ of _Britain_ retain their
native intrepidity to the third and fourth generation in the regions
of _America_; together with that ardent love of liberty and zeal in
its defence, which in every age has distinguish'd their progenitors
among the rest of mankind. -- To conclude, in all countries, all
nations, and all armies, there is, and will be a mixture of
characters, a medley of brave men, fools, wise-men and cowards.
National reflections being general, are therefore unjust. But
panegyrics, tho' they should be too general, cannot offend the
subjects of them. I shall therefore boldly say, that the _English_
are brave and wise; the _Scotch_ are brave and wise; and the people
of the _British_ colonies, proceeding from both nations -- I would
say the same of them, if it might not be thought vanity in Your
humble servant, May 9, 1759. _A New Englandman_.
http://infomotions.com/etexts/literature/american/1700-1799/franklin-london-246.txt
The Writings of Benjamin Franklin: Volume III, London, 1757 - 1775
New York, May 14.
... The Diana Frigate, Capt. Schomberg, sailed for Louisbourg since our last, as Convoy to the following Transports with Troops on board, viz. Fortitude, Laurell, Harwood, Antelope, Blacket and Kitty.
The following are Provision Vessels, which are to said under Convoy, viz. King Frederick, Bernard, James and Mary, Unanimity, Venus, Crown, Mary, Elizabeth and Ann, Richard, Hannah, and Venus 2d.
Besides which, Nine Transports are gone to Boston from hence; Five to Rhode Island; and Seven to Casco Bay; thence to join the Fleet at Louisbourg with all possible Dispatch, after taking Troops on board at each of the Places. Several are left behind here to refit; as is His Majesty Ship Sea Horse.
On Saturday last embarked for Albany, Brigadier General Prideaux.
Major Morris embarked on board the Diana Frigate for Louisbourg ...
May 19, 1759
Louisbourg, 19th May, 1759
Dear Sir,
Since our arrival in this country the news of my father's death has reached me. I left him in so weak a condition that it was not probable we should ever meet again. The general tenor of his conduct through life has been extremely upright and benevolent, from whence one may hope that little failings and imperfections were overbalanced by his many good qualities. I am exceedingly sorry it so fell out that I had it not in my power to assist him in his illness, and to relieve my mother in her distress ; and the more as her relations are not affectionate, and you are too far off to give her help. I have writ to Mr. Fisher to continue the pensions which my father had assigned to his kindred ; my easy circumstances enabling me to fulfil all his intentions.
We are ordered to attack Quebec,—a very nice operation. The fleet consists of twenty-two sail of the line and many frigates; the army of 9000 men;—in England it is called 12,000. We have ten battalions, three companies of Grenadiers, some Marines (if the Admiral can spare them), and six new- raised companies of North American Rangers—not complete, and the worst soldiers in the universe; a great train of artillery, plenty of provisions, tools, and implements of all sorts; three Brigadiers under me,—all men of great spirit; some Colonels of reputation, Carleton for Quartermaster-General, and upon whom I chiefly rely for the engineering part. Engineers very indifferent, and of little experience; but we have none better. The regular troops in Canada consist of eight battalions of old Foot—about 400 a battalion—and forty companies of Marines (or colony troops)—forty men a company. They can gather together 8000 or 10,000 Canadians, and perhaps 1000 Indians. As they are attacked by the side of Montreal by an enemy of 12,000 fighting men, they must necessarily divide their force ; but, as the loss of the capital implies the loss of the colony, their chief attention will naturally be there, and therefore I reckon we may find at Quebec six battalions, some companies of Marines, four or five thousand Canadians, and some Indians; altogether, not much inferior to their enemy.
Rear-Admiral Durell, with ten sail, is gone up the river, and has orders to take such a station as will effectually cut off all succours; but as he sailed late from Halifax (4th May), there is reason to think that some store-ships have already got up. If so, our difficulties are like to increase. I have sent a detachment with Mr. Durell to assist his first operations, and to seize the islands in those parts of the river where the navigation is most dangerous. The Admiral has positive instructions to watch the first opening of the river St. Lawrence, so as to push with his squadron as high as the Isle de Bic, and from thence to detach some small ships to the Bason of Quebec, that all might be free and open behind. The Admiral Commander-in-chief of the fleet is a zealous, brave officer. I don't exactly know what disposition he intends to make in the river after the junction of the two squadrons; but I conclude he will send four or five of his smallest ships of the line to assist us at Quebec, and remain with the rest at an anchor below the Isle aux Coudres, ready to fight whatever fleet the enemy may send to disturb us.
The town of Quebec is poorly fortified, but the ground round about it is rocky. To invest the place, and cut off all communication with the colony, it will be necessary to encamp with our right to the river St. Lawrence, and our left to the river St. Charles. From the river St. Charles to Beauport the communication must be kept open by strong entrenched posts and redoubts. The enemy can pass that river at low water; and it will be proper to establish ourselves with small entrenched posts from the Point of Levi to La Chaudière. It is the business of our naval force to be masters of the river, both above and below the town. If I find that the enemy is strong, audacious, and well commanded, I shall proceed with the utmost caution and circumspection, giving Mr. Amherst time to use his superiority. If they are timid, weak, and ignorant, we shall push them with more vivacity, that we may be able before the summer is gone to assist the Commander-in-chief. I reckon we shall have a smart action at the passage of the river St. Charles, unless we can steal a detachment up the river St. Lawrence, and land them three, four, five miles, or more, above the town, and get time to entrench so strongly that they won't care to attack.
If General Amherst can manage to have a superiority of naval force upon the Lake Champlain (as he proposes), all the troops within the entrenchments and fort of Ticonderoga will probably be soon obliged to lay down their arms. The least conduct there, or the least spirit of enterprise on our side, would have finished the war last year. It is impossible to conceive how poorly the engineering business was carried on here. This place could not have held out ten days if it had been attacked with common sense. The army under my command is rather too small for the undertaking, but it is well composed. The troops are firm, and were brought into fire at this siege. Those that were with me are most excellent pioneers. If the French had had twenty sail of men-of-war in the harbour (as they intended), and had not gone out early to fight Mr. Boscawen, they must have been all destroyed. If they can collect a sufficient force, they are sure to find us in the river St. Lawrence any time between this and the month of October, and may fight if they chuse. The prize seems to be worth the risk of a battle. If their Mediterranean squadron gets out, I conclude we shall see them.
You may be assured that I shall take all proper care of my own person, unless in case of the last importance, where it becomes a duty to do otherwise. I never put myself unnecessarily into the way of danger. Young troops must be encouraged at first. What appears hazardous sometimes is really not so to people who know the country. The separate corps which I commanded last year, divided as they were into a number of posts—encamped within cannon-shot of the ships or town, and often within the reach of grape-shot—suffered hardly any loss at all, because the ground is so uneven that we could place them everywhere in security. We are every hour in expectation of seeing the regiments arrive which are to compose the army. Most of them are actually at sea, and upon this coast; but the fogs are so frequent and lasting, that ships are obliged to stand out to sea waiting for fair weather. I hope we shall be able to sail in about ten days, and if no accident happens in the river, I hope we shall succeed. I wish you your health—mine is but indifferent; and am, dear sir,
Your obedient Nephew,
J. W
[Robert Wright, The Life of Major-General James Wolfe: Founded on Original Documents and Illustrated by His Correspondence, Including Numerous Unpublished Letters Contributed from the Family Papers of Noblemen and Gentlemen, Descendants of His Companions (London: Chapman and Hall, 1864), pp. 497-500 - http://books.google.com/books?id=tM4OAAAAYAAJ&printsec=titlepage&source=gbs_summary_r&cad=0 ]
May 19, 1759
[May 19, 1759]
[Wolfe to Whitmore]
Sir,
In the distribution of forces for the invasion of Canada, my Lord Ligonier had regulated that Bragg's regiment, three companies of Grenadiers, and one company of light infantry, besides the Rangers, should be taken from Louisbourg, and replaced by 1000 of the Boston Militia. By some accident, the company of light infantry has been omitted in the orders sent from England ; nevertheless, as I know it was designed, his Majesty's service requires that I should apply to you for that company; and I do it the more readily, as your garrison will be rather more numerous after the arrival of the Boston Militia than before. We are disappointed of the recruits which were intended to be sent from the West Indies to join us ;* and as several regiments are much weaker than they were thought, in England, to be, I must further represent to you that good troops only can make amends for the want of numbers in an undertaking of this sort. It is therefore my duty to signify to you that it would be much for the public service to let the other two companies of light infantry embark with the army under my command, upon condition of being replaced, man for man, by some of the Rangers and some of Frazer's additional companies, who are not so proper for the field, though very sufficient for the defence of a fortified place. If there was any reason to apprehend that this change might have the least ill consequence, I should not venture to propose it. Mr. Lawrence, who has a very bad fortress and a very weak garrison, accepted of the sick and recovering men of the two American battalions as part of the 500 regulars intended for the defence of Nova Scotia, knowing very well that upon the success of our attacks in Canada, the security of the whole continent of America in a great measure depends.
[Robert Wright, The Life of Major-General James Wolfe: Founded on Original Documents and Illustrated by His Correspondence, Including Numerous Unpublished Letters Contributed from the Family Papers of Noblemen and Gentlemen, Descendants of His Companions (London: Chapman and Hall, 1864), pp. 502-503 - http://books.google.com/books?id=tM4OAAAAYAAJ&printsec=titlepage&source=gbs_summary_r&cad=0 ]
Boston, May 21.
... Yesterday Capt. Junkins arrived here from Halifax, which Place he left Yesterday Week, about Two o'Clock the same Morning, (Sunday May 13) with a fair Wind for Louisbourg; that as soon as the Admiral got out he was joined by three Men of War, and some Transports, which Junkins says was Commodore Holmes, as he saw his blue Flag at the Mizentop mast, and the Admiral and Commodore compliment each other with a Salute: The Transports that sailed from Halifax had on board Capt.
Gorham and Brewer Companies of Rangers; and were to go immediately up the River St. Lawrence after Admiral Durell, who sailed above a Fortnight before, with 8 Ships of the Line, and some Troops, and if they did not meet him at the Mouth of the River, were to proceed 65 Leagues up, where it is said they have Orders to make some advantageous Post; that the Troops at Halifax were to embark the next Day, and sail the Day following; that the regular Troops from Lunenburg were relieved by the Provincial Troops of Col. Thomas Regiment, and joined the Admiral without disembarking; and that those from St. Johni n the Bay of Fundy was not arrived, but hourly expected.
Thirty Sail of Transports, under Convoy of the Hind Man of War, sailed last Tuesday to join General Wolfe at Louisbourg.
[May 24, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, INWARD ENTRIES.
...
Ship Louisbourg, Samuel Nuttle, from Antigua ...
Brig Louisbourg, John Dalton, from Ditto [Jamaica] ...
[May 25, 1759]
[Wolfe reviewing the Grenadier Companies]
" Some commanding officers of corps, who expected to be also reviewed in their turn, told the General, by way of apology, that, by their regiments having been long cantoned, they had it not in their power to learn or practise this new exercise : to which he answered—" Poh! poh! New exercise—new fiddlestick: if they are otherwise well disciplined, and willjight, that's all I shall require of them!"
[Lorenzo Sabine, An address before the New England Historic Genealogical Society, in the hall of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, Tuesday, Sept. 13th, 1859: The hundredth anniversary of the death of Major General James Wolfe, with passages omitted in the delivery, and illustrative notes and documents (Boston: A. Williams for the Society, 1859), p. 96.
St. John, in Antigua, May 26.
THE master of a vessel lately arrived from New London, took up at sea, in Lat. 39, and Long. 69, a quantity of tent poles, mallets, &c. and saw a large quantity of other warlike stores, and a bowsprit (which seemed to have been cut away) floating in the sea, marked (45th regiment;) which regiment is now at Louisbourg. Hence it is feared, some of the transports which sailed with Admiral Holmes has met with some disaster ...
May 31.
... The Master of a Vessel lately arrived from Martineco in a Flag of Truce says, That a French Frigate, which formerly carried 40 Guns, arrived there, having been chaced off Louisbourg by an English Squadron, and obliged to throw most of her Guns overboard to make her Escape. It is hoped some other Ships of War and Transports which, it is said, were with her, are taken.
Boston, May 28.
... Yesterday Capt. Clouston arrived here in 10 Days from Louisbourg, and informs. That Admiral Saunders, with his whole Fleet, arrived there from Halifax two Days before he sailed, as did also Commodore Holmes, from off New York, who joined the Admiral off Cape Sambro: --- That Lord Colvil, in the Northumberland, who came out with Commodore Holmes, but lost his Masts, &c. in a Storm, which obliged him to put back, after refitting, arrived there the Day before he came out, in five Weeks from England, by whom there was Advice, that the French had taken Fort St. David, in the East Indies. That an English Fleet had fell in with a French one in the English Channel, and taken one Ship of 40 Guns, a Frigate, and several Transports with Troops, bound to Canada; and also a 64 Gun Ship (said to be a Privateer) richly laden from the Coast of Guinea. That the Richmond Frigate had taken, after an obstinate Engagement of 4 Glasses and a Half, a large Ship of 20 Guns, under Spanish Colours, on the Banks of Newfoundland, bound to Canada, with Stores, which it was thought, would turn out a good Prize, but was not arrived when he sailed. That Admiral Durell still kept cruizing in the River St. Lawrence, when the last Accounts were received from him. Capt. Clouston spoke with the Captains Turner and Giles, Part of the Fleet which sailed 14 Days ago, for Louisbourg, two Days after he came out, all well.
New York, May 28.
Capt. Courtney, of the Sloop Achilles, arrived here Wednesday last from Louisbourg, in 16 Days ....
[May 31, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, ...
OUTWARDS ...
Schooner Leopard, Thomas Church, for Louisbourg ...
Sloop Prosperous, Edmund Wright, for Louisbourg ...
Schooner Four Friends, Joseph Sylvester, for Louisbourg ...
[June 1, 1759]
A JOURNAL of the Expedition up the River St. Lawrence; containing a true and particular Account of the Transactions of the Fleet and Army, from the Time of their Embarkation at Louisbourg, till after the Surrender of QUEBEC. ON the first of June, 1759, we embarked on board the transports at Louisbourg, bound on the expedition to Canada. ...
[June 1, 1759]
[June 1, 1759]
A Journal of the Expedition up the River St. Lawrence; Containing A True and Particular Account of the Transactions of the Fleet and Army, from the Time of Their Embarkation at Louisbourg, 'Til After the Surrender of Quebec by the Serjeant-Major of Gen. Hopson's Grenadiers
Louisbourg, June 1st, 1759
We embark'd on board the transport Hardwood bound on the Expedition to Canada. ...
whereas our whole Army, at our first embarking at Louisbourg, did not exceed 8240 Men ...
[Source: A Journal of the Expedition up the River St. Lawrence, Boston, November, 1759 - Written by the Sergeant Major of the 40th Regiment's Grenadiers]
June 1, 1759
[June 1, 1759]
THE REV. MR. COTTON TO MR. GRENVILLE.
Louisbourg, June 1, 1759.
... The winter in this part has in fact been very severe, and in my passage to this place, I met with vast quantities of ice, that as the wind sets out or in to this harbour, fills it in such manner as renders it almost impracticable for boats to pass and repass from the ships to the town ...
William James Smith (editor), The Grenville papers: being the correspondence of Richard Grenville, Earl Temple, K.G., and the Right Hon: George Grenville, their friends and contemporaries, Volume 1 (London: John Murray, 1852), p. 305 - http://books.google.com/books?id=Eg0MAAAAYAAJ
June 6, 1759
[Wolfe to Pitt]
On board the ' Neptune,' June 6, 1759.
Sir,
By the report which I have the honour to enclose, you will sec the strength of the army under my command, when they embarked, and when they came to Louisbourg. The fogs on this coast are so frequent and lasting, and the climate in every respect so unfavourable to military operations, that if we had been collected a week sooner, I doubt if it would have been possible to sail before we did. One company of Rangers (the best of the six) is not yet arrived, and a very good engineer, by some mistake, has had no orders to join us. General Amherst forwarded everything to the utmost of his power, and the officers employed by him were indefatigable. Finding that several regiments were weak, and that no recruits were likely to come from the West Indies, I applied to Mr. Whitmore for three companies of light infantry of his garrison:—my letter and the Governor's answer are enclosed. If Brigadier Whitmore did not consent to my proposal, it has proceeded from the most scrupulous obedience to orders, believing himself not at liberty to judge and act according to circumstances. The four new companies of Rangers are so very bad that I expect no service from them, unless mixed with the light infantry; and it was with that view that I applied to the Marshal for a company of volunteers from Louisbourg. Five field-officers of these regiments and several captains are either sick or employed upon the continent; forty men of Bragg's regiment upon duty at St. John's. We leave eighty sick at Louisbourg, and an hundred invalids. Several transports have not yet joined us; their provisions and their boats are very much wanted. However, I have taken 3000 barrels of flour and biscuit from the contractor's store at Louisbourg. I writ to General Amherst for money, but he could send me none; this is one of the first sieges, perhaps, that ever was undertaken without it. The camp equipage of three regiments is supposed to be either lost or taken upon the passage from Philadelphia. We have supplied them with tents from the ordnance stores, and must make the old kettles, etc., serve the campaign. There are 1000 of the Boston Militia at Louisbourg. I desired Brigadier Whitmore to complete our companies of Rangers from them, and to give me 100 labourers, solely as pioneers. The men were asked if they chose to go, and as it seldom happens that a New England man prefers service to a lazy life, none of them seemed to approve of the proposal; they did not ask it, and the General would not order them.
If the Admiral had, as I wished, deferred sending his letters till the fleet got up to the Isle of Bic, and till we knew what progress Mr. Durell had made, (of which we are at present entirely ignorant,) you, Sir, would have been able to form some judgment of the state of affairs. There we might learn what succours (if any) got up before the Rear-Admiral, and other circumstances of moment. Since the fleet came out, I have received a letter from the Lieut.-Governor of the Massachusetts Bay, acquainting me that he is preparing to embark 300 of the militia of his province to serve with us. These are the pioneers which I desired Gen. Amherst to send. Colonel Burton and Major Barré, who were employed by the General at Boston, have spoke of Mr. Hutchinson's zeal for the public service, and very great knowledge of the affairs of his province, in a manner much to his advantage. We expect to find a good part of the force of Canada at Quebec, and we are prepared to meet them. Whatever the end is, I flatter myself that his Majesty will not be dissatisfied with the behaviour of the troops.
I have the honour to be, etc.,
J. Wolfe
[Robert Wright, The Life of Major-General James Wolfe: Founded on Original Documents and Illustrated by His Correspondence, Including Numerous Unpublished Letters Contributed from the Family Papers of Noblemen and Gentlemen, Descendants of His Companions (London: Chapman and Hall, 1864), pp. 503-506 - http://books.google.com/books?id=tM4OAAAAYAAJ&printsec=titlepage&source=gbs_summary_r&cad=0 ]
[June 7, 1759]
Extract of a Letter from Louisbourg, dated the 7th Inst.
"Just now an Officer reports, that he saw a Gentleman who had been a Prisoner at Quebec for five Years; that he with four more had made their Escape in a Canoe; and in coming down the river, he saw 13 Ships of War, but being hazy, and fearing they should be apprehended, made the best of their Way. He reports that the Garrison of Quebec was very weak, and that 5000 Men were marched under Montcalm, to oppose General AMHERST ...
[June 7, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, ...
CLEARED ...
Ship Louisbourg, Samuel Nuttle, to Antigua ...
Schooner Leopard, Thomas Church, to Louisbourg ...
Sloop Prosperous, Edmund Wright, to Louisbourg ...
Boston
[June 7-8, 1758]
We have Advice from Louisbourg, that Admiral Saunder Fleet received no Damage in the hard Gales of Wind we had here on the 7th and 8th of last Month. ...
Boston, June 11.
Last Night Capt. Doubledee arrived here in ten Days from Louisbourg, who informs, That before he sailed a large French Ship from France, laden with all Sorts of Stores, and a great Quantity of Bombs, bound to Quebec, was sent in there by Admiral Durell Squadron, who still continued cruizing at the Entrance of the River St., Laurence. --- The Captain of the French Ship gave out, that five Sail of French Men of War might be expected to heave in Sight every Moment, as she came out in Company with them. --- That all the Troops at Louisbourg who are going on the Expedition, were embarking on board the Transports, and every Thing getting in readiness. --- And that Admiral Saunders was to sail with the whole Fleet in a few Days. ...
... On Thursday last began, and continued till the next Day toward Evening, the severest N.E. Storm of Wind and Rain, that has been known for many years at this Season: the Damage done by it that we have already heard of is, that almost all the Shipping at Salem and Marblehead are drove ashore ... as the Wind was at N.E. little or no Damage was done to the Shipping in this Harbour, but we are in Pain to hear from the Fleet which sailed from hence for Louisbourg four Days before the Storm ...
[June 12, 1759]
Thursday last a Person came to Town from Louisbourg, which
he left the 8th of June, and gives us the following
Particulars, viz. That the Gentleman mentioned in our last Monday Postcript, under Boston Head; to be arrived at
Louisbourg from Quebec, was one Robert Stobo, who formerly was
Captain of one of the Virginia Companies under Major
Washington, when he was taken by Mons. de Villiers in Fort
Necessity, July 3d, 1754, and who, (Stobo) at that Time was
given, together with one Jacob Vambrane, another Virginia
Captain, as Hostages to the French for the Return of a Party
of French and Canadians, taken Prisoners by Washington the
24th of May, 1754. That when Stobo arrived at Louisbourg, he
delivered a particular Account of what passed with him after
he left Fort Du Quesne in 1754, to the Time of his Escape, the
which was taken by the Secretary, and sent Home to Sir William
Pitt, by an Express Boat dispatched just after the sailing of
Admiral Saunders, the Substance of which Account is as
follows, viz. That as an Hostage he was used as well as he
could expect for some considerable Time after he went as
such.--- That latterly they began to use him at Quebec but
very indifferently, frequently imprisoning him, and at length
had condemned him to die, the Execution of which was suspended
till Intelligence was received from Old France, that at length
it arrived, and his Sentence broke, upon which he was set at
Liberty, --- That an Opportunity offering, he, in Company with
one Stephens, who was formerly Rogers Lieutenant on our
Frontiers, and taken Prisoner in a Skirmish about 18 Months
ago, together with 3 other Englishmen, embarked on board a
crazy Birch Canoe the 1st of 2d of May last. --- That in
coming down the River St. Lawrence, they seized a French
Schooner with 5 Monsieurs on board, whom they secured, and set
fair. --- That soon after they espied 14 Sail of large Ships
under French Colours, who fired two Shots at the Schooner, but
Stobo taking them to be what they appeared, and not imagining
an English Fleet was up the River, stuck close in Shore, and
came off. --- That soon after they came across and overpowered
a French Sloop with five Hands more on board, and from this
Time till they arrived at Louisbourg with both Schooner and
Sloop, they met with no Molestation. --- That the French had
about 25,000 Men on Command in the different Posts of Quebec,
Montreal, and Crown Point (including 8 Regiments of Regulars,
and 14 Battalions of Independants) but that Monsieur Montcalm
had ordered them all to Quebec to make the better Defense
against the English Fleet and Armies:--- That the Enemy had
also made very large Entrenchments at every Place down the
River where they thought our Forces could possibly land; and
had also built sundry large Floats, stored with immense
Combustibles, in Hopes thereby of setting our Fleet on Fire,
when they made their Appearance. That notwithstanding the Care
the Enemy had taken to intrench the landing Places
abovementioned, he (Stobo) would undertake to lead His
MajestyForces to a Place not many Miles below Quebec, where
they might land with little or no Danger: Upon which Assurance
the Governor of Louisbourg (no Doubt thinking he would be of
Service to General Wolfe) immediately ordered a Vessel to be
got ready to carry him up after the Admiral, about the 10th or
12th of June.
Philadelphia, June 14.
Captain Mitchell, from Londonderry, about 20 Days ago, 100 leagues to the eastward of the Banks of Newfoundland, saw a Fleet of 14 sail of very large Vessels, seemingly 70 Gun Ships, steering N.N.W. the Wind at West. Some Days after, he spoke with the General Wolfe Privateer, of New York, and acquainted him of the above fleet; upon which the Captain immediately bore away for Louisbourg, to inform Admiral Saunders thereof ...
Last Night Capt. Kidd arrived here in nine Days from Halifax, by whom there is Advice, that a 36 Gun Frigate, one of the Convoy to the Fleet from Bourdeaux for Quebec, is taken and carried into Louisbourg, by one of our Men of War; as are also three of the Merchantmen of the same Fleet, one of which had 700 Barrels of Powder on board. By him we also learn, that Admiral Saunders was to sail from Louisbourg for the River St. Lawrence the 6th Instant.
[June 14, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia,...
CLEARED ...
Schooner Four Friends, Joseph Sylvester, to Louisbourg ...
New York, June 18.
His Majesty Snow of War the Zephyr, Captain Greenwood, arrived at Sandy Hook on Tuesday last, in six Days from North Carolina; but sailed again for Louisbourg the Wednesday following ...
By several letters from the Eastward, we are informed, that Admiral Durell, with his Squadron, had got up the River St. Lawrence to within 26 or 30 Leagues of Quebec; and had landed a large body of Troops at a very narrow and important Passage in the River, where they destroyed a Village; and that they were fortifying the Place with the utmost Expedition. --- Admiral Saunders, with the main Body of the Troops, we hope, has been able to proceed up that River, as he was to sail from Louisbourg on the 6th Instant, and as the River is generally pretty clear of Ice by the latter End of May ... June 28, 1759
Boston, June 18.
Since our last, several Vessels arrived here from Louisbourg, one of which in 4 or 5 Days, by her we learn, that Admiral Saunders Fleet, with our Forces, had sailed from thence for the River St. Lawrence, the last Division on the 6th Instant ...
Boston
[June 23, 1759]
By a letter from Louisbourg, dated the 23d of last Month, we learn, that a 64 Gun Ship, and three other Men of War, with about 20 sail of Vessels, with Provisions, &c. from this and other Ports, were to sail that Day from our Fleet up the River St. Lawrence.
Thursday last Capt. Homer arrived here in 7 Days from Louisbourg, by whom we learn, that his Majesty Ship Fowey of 20 Guns, having under her Convoy seven Ships laden with Provisions, were safely arrived there from Ireland. They had no Advices from Admiral Saunders when Capt. Homer sailed ...
Philadelphia
Extract of a Letter from Boston, June 25, 1759.
"A Vessel is just arrived here in 8 Days from Louisbourg, by which we learn, that a French Schooner was sent in there, taken by Admiral Durell Squadron, within 15 Leagues of Quebec. The Schooner was bound down the River, and informed the Admiral that two French Ships of the Line, three Frigates, and thirteen or fifteen Transports, had got up to Quebec, and others were daily expected, but we hope our Fleets will prevent them." ...
Boston, June 25.
Tuesday last arrived here Capt. Nickles from Halifax, in
whom came Passenger Capt. James Cox, late of the Sloop Sarah
and Molly, belonging to Casco, and gives the following
information, that about the Middle of November last he sailed
from Louisbourg with a Number of Soldiers for St. John,
being 36 Persons in all on board ; that on the 28th of the same
Month, it being extreme cold stormy Weather, they were cast
ashore at Cape Delaware, on the Main, and while on the rocks,
seven of the People were drowned, among whom was his Son, the
rest, with great Difficulty, got ashore, and endeavoured to
travel to Margomash, but after travelling 3 Days, 22 of
were froze to Death, and all the others, excepting himself,
lost some of their Limbs, they having been without Fire or
Victuals the whole Time: After which 7 Indians appeared with Spears to kill , but were prevented by a French Priest; who
relieved them with some Difficulty: He also informs, that they
had News by the Indians, that the French in Canada were in
want of Provisions, which was occasioned by no Fleet coming up
this year, and were in great Distress for Fear of the English
coming against them this Spring, that on the 10th of May not
one Ship was arrived at Quebeck from France; that their Forces
of all Kinds were called in, and at that Time they had no
Fireworks to hurt our Ships in going up., -- And that about
the Middle of May, he, with 4 or 5 others, after having
undergone the greatest Hardships and Difficulties imaginable,
found Means to escape in a French Schooner, which had been
cast ashore near the Place where they were, and in which they
got safe to Louisbourg. ...
... Boston, June 25, 1759.
"The 14 Sail of large Vessels which Capt. Mitchell, who lately arrived at Philadelphia from Londonderry, saw on the 25th of May, about 100 Leagues to the Eastward of the Banks of Newfoundland, standing N.N.W. with the Wind at W. thought were the Mast Ships for Portsmouth, and Transports for Louisbourg, from London; as Capt. Warner, one of the above Fleet, who arrived here last Week, says, that on the same Day, viz. May 25th, they were standing N.N.W. the Wind at W. about 100 Leagues to the Eastward of the Banks of Newfoundland." ...
August 9, 1759
Pennsylvania Gazette (Fair Use © Accessible Gazette Inc.)
... Island Coudre, June 25.
The Fleet of Men of War and Transports that left Louisbourg the 4th of June, arrived off the Island of Orleans, in 3 Weeks Passage, and in two Days after, General Wolfe landed his Troops, and encamped on the Island without Opposition ...
]June 28, 1759]
... Capt. Warner, who arrived here on Friday last left Spithead in Company with eighteen or twenty Storeships for Louisbourg, 3 Mast Ships for Piscataqua, and several other Vessels for different Ports, under Convoy of His Majesty Ship Norwich, of 50 Guns, and Echo Frigate; the Mast Ships parted from the Convoy off the Western Islands. Capt. Warner left the Men of War and Storeships on the Banks of Newfoundland, and imagines they are all arrived at Louisbourg by this Time ...
[June 28, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, ...
CLEARED.
... Brig Louisbourg, John Dalton, to Jamaica ...
[July 5, 1759]
Our other Information from Louisbourg is, That the large Spanish Ship, lately sent in there by Admiral Durell, had on board 350 Barrels of Gunpowder, which our Informant saw landed, besides large Quantities of Muskets, Cannon Balls, Soldiers Clothes, &c. The Captain of her is to have 4 £. a Ton Freight paid him. That Saunders Fleet: when he sailed, consisted of near 200 Sail, and that on the 7th of June they were seen to double the Cape, and run into the Gulph of St. Lawrence, with the Wind large.
From Halifax directly, our Intelligence runs; That the Trident Man of War, Capt. Julian Legge, had brought in there a large Spanish Ship of 20 Guns, bound from Martinico to Old France, loaded with 300 Hogsheads of Sugar, 800 Casks of Coffee, besides Cocoa, &c. ...
The Master of Fishing Schooner arrived at Louisbourg reported, That he saw two French Prize Ships just before she got in, that were taken by two New York Privateers, to the Eastward, supposed to be a Ship and a Sloop. About this Time we had cruizing to the Eastward, the Ship General Wolfe, Capt. Seamour, and Sloop Catherine, Sears, both belonging to New York. ...
[July 5, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, INWARD ENTRIES.
... Schooner Fisher, James Barnes, from Louisbourg ...
OUTWARDS.
... Schooner Fisher, James Barnes, for Louisbourg ...
August 9, 1759
Pennsylvania Gazette (Fair Use © Accessible Gazette Inc.)
... July 9.
... Capt. Baker observes, the Navigation up the River is easy from Cape North, upon the Island of Cape Breton; you must keep the South Shore on board, and it will carry any Vessel clear to the Island of Bie, and from thence to the Island of Coudre, unless a strong Wind in your Favour, you must Tite it up, the Current running down on the Ebb nine or ten Knots." ...
[July 12, 1759]
... Saturday last Capt. Ripley in a Sloop arrived here in 13 Days from Louisbourg, by whom we learn, that the Echo Frigate, with 20 Sail of Transports, laden with Provision, Stores, &c. were safe arrived there from London, and had sailed again, under Convoy of 3 Frigates, together with 15 other Transport Ships, and a Number of Sloops, Schooners, &c. with live Stock for the River St. Lawrence as Yesterday Fortnight. --- And that the Garrison of Louisbourg were very healthy, and Provisions Plenty.
[July 12, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, INWARD Entries.
Schooner Fisher, James Barnes, from Louisbourg ...
CLEARED.
... Schooner Fisher, J. Barnes, to Louisbourg ...
[July 19, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, INWARD ENTRIES.
... Ship Nancy, Joseph Glover, from Louisburgh. ...
[July 30, New York]
From a Postscript to the Boston Gazette, dated last Monday, July 30, 3 o'Clock, P.M. we have the following. This Morning a Vessel arrived at Salem, in six Days from Louisbourg; and by a Passenger just come to Town, we are favoured with the following important Advices from thence, viz.
LOUISBOURG, July 26, 1759.
"Just now arrived the Snow Fanny, Thomas Baker, Commander, in 8 Days Passage from the Island of Coudre, from him I collected the following Particulars, relative to Admiral Sounders Fleet, in the River St. Lawrence ...
Boston, July 30.
... We hear from Casco Bay, that last Tuesday, Capt. Cox arrived there, in three Days, from Halifax, and informs, that before he sailed from thence a Vessel arrived there in four Days from Louisbourg, and brought Advice, that one of our 40 Gun Ships had taken and carried in there, after an Engagement of 8 Glasses, and the Loss of about 30 Men, a large French Storeship, pierced for 70 Guns, but had only her upper Tier mounted.--- Capt. Cox also informs, that he saw the Account published in the Halifax Gazette, and that it was generally believed there.
[August, 1759]
... Friday last Mr.. Peter Farmar, of this City, Merchant, came to Town from New London, having arrived there two Days before, in the Schooner Hope, Capt. Dean, from Halifax, which Place he left last Wednesday Week. Mr. Farmar went Passenger, about six Weeks ago, in the Sloop Elizabeth, George Shaw, Master, bound to Louisbourg and Quebec, but had the Misfortune to be taken the 11th of August by a small French Schooner Privateer, of three Swivel Guns, and 60 Men, Mons. Paul Le Blanche, Commander, belonging to the little neutral Settlement in the Gut of Canso, but had a Commission from Quebec. The above Privateer took the following Vessels, viz. August 9. Schooner George, Jacob Clark, Master, from Salem, on a Fishing Voyage; Aug. 10. Schooner Swallow, George Glover, Master, from Salem, on a Fishing Voyage; the same Day, Schooner Three Sisters, Robert Fry, Master, from Salem, on a Fishing Voyage; Aug. 11. Sloop Polly, from Halifax for Louisbourg, Thomas Armstrong, Master; Aug. 15. Schooner Sparrow, Tobias Davis, Master, from Salem, on a Fishing Voyage; August 23. Brig Charming Betsey, Richard Newtown, Master, from London for Halifax. August 25. Schooner Endeavour, Jesse Stevenson, Master, from Boston to Louisbourg; and, the same Day, Sloop Polly, Elisha Glover, Master, from Boston to Louisbourg.
Monsieur La Blanche never cruized out of Sight of Land, as he was the only Navigator on board, the whole Crew being composed of the Inhabitants of a little Settlement in the Gut of Canso, who were obliged to put to Sea in Search of Provisions, as Capt. Farmar declares they had nothing else but Horse Beef to eat before they took the abovementioned English Vessels, and that the Prisoners were allowed but very little of that, being 62 in Number, and who were left on board a Schooner in a Harbour near Halifax many Days with a Guard, until Monsieur had finished his Cruize, as he used to visit them every 2 or 3 Days; but that being compleated to his Satisfaction, he gave the Schooner Three Sisters to Capt. Frye to carry the Prisoners to Halifax, where they all arrived safe.
The above Privateer having infested the Coast of Cape
Breton for some Time before she took the Vessels
abovementioned, two Sloops were fitted out in order to bring
her in; but as soon as she perceived them, she run into
shallow Water, when the Crew took to their Boat and all went
on Shore, and plied the two Sloops so well with their small
Arms from the Bank behind Trees, that they were obliged to
sheer off, with considerable Loss, having several of their Men killed ...
[August 6, 1759]
Bos. Aug. 6, 1759.
Sam. Curwin, Esq.,
Sir: I shall Esteem it a fav. you'l take an Oppy to Inform all your Merchts. & Others, Concerned in Shipping up Wine, Oyl, Olives, Figs, Raisins, &c., that I am Determined Publickly to Inform the Collector of this Port, of any those Articles I can find out, are on board any Vessell Commanded by or under the Care of Captain Ober, in order they may be Seized. I shall not Concern myself abt any other Coaster, let em bring up what they will, but this Capt. Ober has Cheated me in such a manner (tho to no great Value), that I'm determined to keep a good look out on him, therefore would have all those Concern'd in that Trade, Regulate themselves accordingly, & if they will Risque any such Prohibetted Goods in Sd Obers Vessell, they must not (after such notice of my Design) think hard of me, as what I may do will be to punish Sd Ober and not them - I have just told Sd Ober that I would send this notification to Salem and Wd Certainly get his Vessell & Cargo Seized sooner or Later.
I am Sr
Your hble Servt
Gilbr. Deblois.
P.S. I'm a lover
of Honest Men, therefore dont be Surprised at the above, as I look upon Obcr to
be a great Cheat.
Pray destroy this when done with.
" Answered Augt 13th.
[Source: William B Weeden, Economic and Social History of New England, 1620-1789 (New York, Hillary Publishers Ltd., 1963), p. 660
[August 23, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, INWARD ENTRIES.
... Ship Cumberland, Joseph Druett, from Louisbourg. ...
Boston, August 27.
Last Night a Vessel arrived here in 15 Days from Louisbourg; there were no Vessels arrived there then from our Fleet up the River St. Lawrence.
[August 30, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, INWARD ENTRIES.
... Ship Juno, W.
Saul, from Louisbourg. ...
Sloop Louisbourg, P. Algea, from
Louisbourg. ...
OUTWARDS.
Sloop Salley, J. Graham, for Louisbourg. ...
Copy of a Letter from Admiral SAUNDERS to the Right Honourable Mr. Secretary PITT.
Stirling Castle,
off Point Levi,
in the River St.
Lawrence, September 5, 1759.
... In inclose
you the present disposition of the Ships under
my Command; twenty of the Victuallers that sailed from England
with the Echo, are arrived here, one unloaded at Louisburgh,
having received Damage in her Passage out, and another I have
heard nothing of. No Ships of the Enemy have come this Way,
that I have had any Intelligence of, since my Arrival in the
River, except one, laden with Flour and Brandy, which was
taken by Captain Drake of the Lizard. ...
[September 6, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, INWARD ENTRIES.
... Snow Cape Breton, J. Wilson, from Lairn. ...
CLEARED.
... Sloop Sally, J. Graham, to Louisbourg....
Boston, September 6.
[Quebec] We have expended three Times the Ammunition already as we did the whole siege of Louisbourg; ....
Boston, September 20.
Monday Evening arrived here a schooner, ----- Roberts Master, and last Evening another Schooner, ---- Ford Master, both from, the River St. Lawrence and Louisbourg. They left the Isle of Orleans about ten Days after the Diana Frigate. There are Letters by them, dated at Camp at Point Levee, to the 21st of August; but we find none that give any Particulars of the further Operations of the British Forces against Quebec. The best Account we can gather by these Vessels is, That another large Battery, besides those which we have already mentioned, had been erected against the City, and playupon it with such Success, that all the Houses, within Reach of the Shells and Shot, were demolished: That the Enemy made no Sallies from their Entrenchments upon that Part of our Army which was at Montmorency; but they had sent a considerable Body of Troops to endeavour to surround General Murray, who, as we formerly mentioned, had landed above the City, and had repulsed them several Times, whereby he prevented their Design of cutting off the Communication he had with the other Part of our Forces; and that he kept his Ground good, and had been joined by some Succours. --- There was a Talk, that two of the largest Ships were to go up against the Town, and a general Attack to be made in about a Week. --- That the Deserters from the Enemy, which came to our Camp, reported that the French were allowanced to Half a Pound of Meat per Day, and that it was Death in their Camp to mention General Amherst Name; by which it is probable the French have had Intelligence of the success of our Forces to the Westward. A stout Indian Fellow, who had been prisoner on board the AdmiralShip some Time, made his Escape, by jumping out of a window, at her Stern, into the Water, and swam to the Shore. --- Just as the last Schooner was coming away, Admiral Saunders received Intelligence from the Shore, that a Party of our Men which were out, discovered a Number of the Enemy Indians in a Barn at some distance from the City, which they surrounded and took 16 Prisoners.
[September 20, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, ...
Cleared. ... Sloop Louisbourg, P. Alger, to Louisbourg. ...
[Louisbourg, October 1, 1759]
Boston ...
JOHN ATTWOOD, of the Schooner Betsey, testifieth and faith, That on the 13th of September he sailed from Point Orleans; that on said Day he heard a great Firing of Cannon, and three Days after his arrival at Louisbourg, which was on or about the 2d of October, one Capt. Weston (belonging to Plymouth) arrived there from the River, and brought several Letters from the Army and Navy, informing, and as he otherwise heard, That General Wolfe having landed on the 13th of September (first mentioned) above Quebec ... JOHN BRAY ..."
"I congratulate you on this signal Success of his Majesty Arms, and am, SIR,
Your most obedient humble Servant,
Louisbourg, Oct. 1, 1759. Edward Whitmore."
Louisbourg, October 1, 1759 ....
...
Copy of a Letter from a Gentleman at Louisbourg, dated
October 2, 1759.
"SIR,
Captain Harvey being detained, gives me the agreeable Opportunity to acquaint you, that Yesterday a Vessel arrived here from the River, and brings the very important News of the Surrender of the City of Quebec, the best Account I am able to collect of this Event, is, viz. ...
Another Letter from Louisbourg, dated October 2, 1759.
"I must now congratulate you on the Success of our Arms; QUEBEC is TAKEN, though with the Loss of the valiant General WOLFE; ....
Extract of a Letter, dated Louisbourg, October 4, 1759.
A Schooner, which arrived at this Place on Tuesday, the 2d Instant, from the River, has brought an Account of Quebec being surrendered to the English on Monday, the 17th past, and says, that the Troops under General Wolfe, ...
[October 4, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, INWARD ENTRIES.
... Schooner Leopard, T. Church, from Louisbourg....
Boston, October 8.
... Thursday last arrived here Captain Doubleday from the River St. Lawrence, but last from Halifax, in four Days; in whom came Passenger Capt. Brainard, late of a Connecticut Schooner, who informs, that he was taken in his Passage from New London to Louisbourg, Yesterday was Se, by a Privateer Sloop, carrying 50 Men; which had also taken the following Vessels, viz. Captain Haynes, from the River; also one Cox, and two other Vessels, with Boards from the Eastward, bound to Louisbourg; as also a Fishing Schooner. The Frenchmen gave the Prisoners, being 50 in Number, a small Schooner, with which they proceeded to Halifax. On board Captain Haynes were Passengers Ensign Hutchins, and Mr. Howard, with the others, who went with the Dispatches from General Amherst to General Wolfe, and were returning with Answers thereto, which they threw overboard, and were to come to Captain Jones. Capt. Brainard had on board a valuable Cargo, consisting of Cattle, Sheep, with other Live Stock and Provisions. It is said there were two other small Privateers also out upon the Cruize ...
[October 10, 1759]
"Port of Charles Town So. Carolina A list of all Ships & Vessells that have enter’d Inwards in Mich’mas [Michaelmas] Quarter ending 10th October 1759"
"Time of
Entry" "1759 Julyth" [/] "Ship or
Vessels Names"
"Bower" [/] "Masters
Names" "John Cobb" [/] "Kind of
Built"
"Brig.r" [/] "Tons" "70"
[/] "Guns"
"0" [/] "Men"
"6" [/] "where &
when Built" "A Prize this War" [/] "where &
when Registered" "London
22 January 1759" [/] "The Owners Names" "John Webster & Dav.d
[Att]ingham of London" [/] "The General
Cargo ... " [None mentioned] [/] "The General
Cargo ... " "The Package & contents of Other Goods" "Ballast Only"
[/] "From whence
Arrived" "Louisbourg" [/] where & when
Bond Given" [None mentioned] [/] [Great Britain, Board of Trade
Shipping lists for South Carolina, CO 5/510, ff.
67v-68]
[October 11, 1759]
This Day is published, and to be sold by WILLIAM BRADFORD, at the London Coffee House, and ANDREW STEWART, in Laetitia Court, Printers (wholesale and retail) THE UNIVERSAL AMERICAN ALMANACK. or Yearly Astronomical Magazine; for the Year of our Lord 1760: Being Bissexille or Leap Year. Containing (more in Quantity, and greater Variety, than any Almanack of the Kind and Price ever before published) The Motions of the Sun and Moon; the true Place and Aspect of the Planets; the Rising and Setting of the Sun; the Rising, Setting and Southing of the Moon; the Lunations, Conjunctions and Eclipses; Judgment of the Weather; Rising and Setting of Planets, Rising, Setting and Southing of the seven Stars; Length of the Days and Nights; Time of high Tide at Philadelphia; Difference between the Julian and Gregorian Stile; an exact List of all the Courts of Justice in the Provinces of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, Maryland and Virginia; Accounts of the Roads from one End of the Continent to the other, &c. Evan Tables of the Distance of all the noted Places on the Continent; Quakers yearly Meetings; Account of the present Royal Family; List of the Kings and Queens of England, from the Conquest to his present Majesty; Time of the Fairs in this and the neighbouring Provinces, the exact Distance of Places from Louisbourg round to Mississippi, with an Account of the River Ohio; a Table of the Weight and Value of Gold and Silver Coin; a plain and exact Table of Interest; List of his Majesty regular Forces in North America; a brief Chronology of memorable Things, from the Beginning of the World to the present Time; a Table of Expence, by the Day, Week, Month and Year; an Account of the Rates of the Stage Boats and Stage Waggons which ply from this City to New York, and other Places, with the Time of their setting off and returning ....
[October 11, 1759]
Imported in the last Ships from England, and to be sold by ALEXANDER HUSTON, At his Store, in Second street, opposite the Baptist Meeting house, the following Goods, viz. Hempen and flaxen ozenbrigs, white and brown pomerania, brown hollands and silesias, princes linen, brown and white Russia and Irish sheeting, brown and white buckrams, broad ravens duck, narrow Russia linens, fine and coarse Irish linens, diaper and damask table cloths, diaper clouting, bed tickins, huckabacks, cambricks and lawns in pieces and patches, Louisbourg pattern handkerchiefs, bandanoes, romals, blue calicoes, demities, humhums, rich grazets and hair grograms, persians, scarlet, blue, green and cloth coloured best baladine silk, highest hyson, congoe and singlow green tea, nests of brass and copper kettles, London pewter, London steel, T. Crowleyfrying hands, coarse and fine broadcloths and shaloons of all colours, variety of calicoe and cotton bed furniture, variety of India and English silks and chints, coarse and fine calicoes, India blankets, long ells, halfthicks, striped linseys, scarlet, red and white flannels, scarlet and red serges, blue, black, green and cloth coloured calimancoes, durants and tammies, drab kerseys and plains, 7 8ths garlix, bar lead and shot, Gloucester and Cheshire cheeses, &c. &c.
[October 11, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia,...
OUTWARDS.
... Schooner Leopard, Thomas Church, for Louisbourg. ...
[October 18, 1759]
New York ...
Thursday Evening last, the Brig Sea Flow, Capt. Williams of this Port, arrived here in nine Days from Louisbourg, by whom we have the following agreeable Intelligence, viz.
Extract of a Letter from a Gentleman in Louisbourg, to another in this City, dated October 2, 1759.
"Yesterday a Vessel arrived at this Place from Quebec, which brings us the agreeable News of the Fall of that Place the 17th of last MOnth. The only Letter is from Capt. Bray, of the Princess Amelia, the Admiral Ship who says, ...
[October 18, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, INWARD ENTRIES.
... Snow Benjamin, Robert Alexander, from Louisbourg. ...
OUT.
Ship Louisbourg, Samuel Nuttle, for Jamaica. ...
CLEARED.
...
Schooner Leopard, Thomas Church, to Louisbourg. ...
Ship Louisbourg, Samuel Nuttle, to Ditto. [Jamaica] ...
[October 25, 1759]
Imported in the last Ships from England, and to be sold by ALEXANDER HUSTON, At his Store, in Second street, opposite the Baptist Meeting house, the following Goods, viz. ... Louisbourg pattern handkerchiefs, bandonoes, romals, blue calicoes, dimities, humhums, rich grazets and hair grograms, ...
[October 25, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, INWARD...
OUTWARDS....
Snow cape breton, ...
March 20, 1760
Pennsylvania Gazette (Fair Use © Accessible Gazette Inc.)
[November, 1759]
From the LONDON MAGAZINE for November, 1759, CHARACTER, with some Particulars, of the late MAJOR GENERAL JAMES WOLFE ...
... Of that Regiment he continued Lieutenant Colonel, till he great Minister who rouzed the sleeping Genius of his Country called him forth into higher Spheres of Action. He was early in the most secret Consultations for the Attack of Rochfort; and what he would have done there, and what he afterwards did do at Louisbourg, are fresh is every one Memory. He was scarce returned from thence, when he was appointed to the Command of the important Expedition against Quebec. ...
[November 8, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, ...
CLEARED.
... Snow Benjamin, R. Alexander, to Louisbourg. ...
[November 18, 1759]
To the Publishers of .
GENTLEMEN,
THE following Verses,
tho' designed for your Paper at the
Time of their Date, by some Accident or another, did not come
to hand, till a few Days ago. Being a Production of this
Country, and containing a sufficient Share of that Energy of
Expression, Dignity of Sentiment and Glow of Spirit, which
characterize all the Performances of the reverend and worthy
Author of the Epitaph on Lord HOWE (published in a late
American Magazine) from whose Hand they come, it is hope that,
even now, after all that has been already published on this
Subject, they will not be unacceptable to our Readers.
... Beauteous in Wounds, and smiling without Art,
He pourthe rich Libation of his Heart;
Hail, like Thebes'Hero **, with a SoldierPride,
His CountryGlory, and triumphant dy.
---Nor heirless dyhe; ---while, consignto Fame,
Two fairest Daughters shall support his Name;
While Louisbourg shall rival LeuctraField,
And to Quebec proud Mantinea yield. ...
Kent, in Maryland, November 18, 1759 ...
[November 22, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, INWARD ENTRIES.
... Schooner Huzza, William Phipps, from Louisbourg. ...
Philadelphia, November 29.
... By Captain Thompson, in 30 Days from Quebec, but last from Louisbourg, we are informed, that Admiral Saunders, and all the Capital Ships, had sailed for England: That two Snows were to winter at Quebec ...
That one Captain Clements, belonging to Boston, came down the River with Captain Thompson; and off of Gaspey Cape they fell in with a French Letter of Marque, of 20 Guns, bound up to Quebec from Old France, not knowing of its being in English hands, which gave them Chace, took Capt. Clements, and put an Officer and four or five hands on board his Sloop: That the Ship and Sloop parted, it blowing hard, and the Sloop put into Gaspey Bay, expecting to find the Ship there; but, after waiting several Days to no Purpose, came out again, and there being but little Provision on board Capt. Clements, the French Officer desired him to take the Sloop into the first Port; and accordingly he carried her into Louisbourg. While Capt. Thompson lay at Louisbourg, the Crews of some Vessels came in there from Anticosta, and informed, that on the 31st ult. in a violent Gale of Wind at Northwest, ten Sail of Vessels were drove ashore on that Island, and lost; among them two large Cats, belonging to England, and three Schooners belonging to New England; the People all saved. ...
[November 29, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, INWARD ENTRIES.
... Schooner Huzza, William Phipps, from Louisbourg. ...
Boston, December 10.
... Wednesday put in here Capt. Church in a Vessel bound to Philadelphia from Louisbourg, which Place he left about a Fortnight ago with a Ship, a Brig, and several other Vessels bound this way. A Number of Vessels that sailed from hence with Cattle, &c. designed for Quebec, were arrived at Louisbourg: Several Vessels arrived there from Liverpool, but had long Passages, and brought no News.
Capt. Church informs us, that the Evening before he sailed Capt. Campbell, in a Sloop fitted out at Louisbourg by the Government, mounting 8 Carriage Guns, having on board a Detachment of about 90 Troops under Capt. Schomberg, to go in Quest of the Enemy, who had taken so many of our trading and fishing Vessels last Summer, returned to Louisbourg, and brought with them 7 of the Chiefs or Heads of the Tribes of Indians, and about 12 Frenchmen. Capt. Campbell told him that he proceeded thro' the Gutt of Canso, about 25 Leagues up to a Place called Pictou, where they discovered the Enemy with 9 Sail of Vessels which they had taken, and had planted some small Cannon on several Eminences to defend themselves and prevent the Carrying off the Vessels; That upon the Appearance of the Sloop the Enemy sent off a Party with a Flag of Truce, proposing that a Number of their Headmen, both French and Indians, should be carried to Louisbourg, in order to their submitting to the English Government; and that 2 or 3 of the English should remain at Pictou till their Return; which being agreed to, Capt. Campbell immediately proceeded back to Louisbourg, leaving the Vessels behind, being well guarded by about 400 Indians, and a larger Number of French: As Capt. Church came away the next Morning after they were landed, he did not hear what Terms they were desirous of submitting to: It was thought that the Want of Bread among them, and no Prospect of Relief, obliged them thus to offer themselves. ...
[December 20, 1759]
CUSTOM HOUSE, Philadelphia, ...
CLEARED.
... Sloop Falmouth, John Robinson, to Louisbourg. ...
Boston, December 24 [1759]
On Friday the 6th Instant died at Eastham, in the 62d Year of his Age, Elisha Doane, Esq; one of the Deacons of the second Church in that Town; who has been employed several times in the Service of his Country; viz. As Captain of a Company in the first Expedition against Louisbourg; and afterwards at Nova Scotia, where he, with others, were taken by the Enemy, and carried to Canada, at the Time when Col. Noble, and about 70 of our soldiers were surprized and killed, through the Treachery of the French Inhabitants. --- He was also advanced to be a Lieutenant Colonel of a Regiment in a late Expedition to the Westward. He was a Man well esteemed for his Fidelity in every Station; was of a truly publick Spirit; of a beneficent and charitable Disposition, and very kind to the Poor; His Death is lamented as a publick Loss. ...
Tuesday Last Captain Lobdell arrived here in twelve Days from Louisbourg, and informs, that the People in that Garrison were in very good Health: That the Party consisting of the Chiefs of the Tribes of Indians, and Head Men of the French Inhabitants of Pictou, and Places adjacent, which we mentioned some Time ago to have arrived there, in Behalf of the rest, to submit themselves to the British government, had agreed upon some Terms of Submission, and were just ready to return from whence they came; but as there are not Letters come in this Vessel, we can learn no Particulars. Captain Lobdell heard they were to come and surrender themselves next Spring, and then deliver up all the Vessels they had taken from the English ...
[December 27, 1759]
To be SOLD by JACOB EHRENZELLER, at the Sign of the Arm, in Arch street, and by JACOB CARVER, in the same Street, handsomely embellished, and printed on the best Paper, the second Edition (with very large Additions, Corrections and Improvements) of A MAP of Nova Scotia, and Parts adjacent; wherein is (now) accurately described Parts of New England (from Boston Northeastward) Nova Scotia, its true Extent, Boundaries, and Fishing banks; the Islands of Cape Breton, St. Johns, Anticosti, and Newfoundland; the great River of Canada, or St. Lawrence, with Orleans, Coudre, and other Islands that lie in it. Shewing also all the various Communications, by Means of the Rivers Restigouche, St. Johns, Penobscot, Kenebeck, Chaudiere, &c. between Quebec, and other Places situate on St. Lawrence River, on the North across the Land, with the Gulph of St. Lawrence on the East, the Bay of Fundy and Atlantic Ocean on the South. The English Forts and Settlements, and the Seats of the (pretended Neutral) French Inhabitants in Nova Scotia; with every thing else worthy of Notice, or that may serve to give a true Idea of the Situation and Connection of the several parts of that Country, and of the Advances and Operations of his Majesty Troops that have been, or now are employed in those parts. Also in a vacant Part of the Plate are inserted the following (more particular) Draughts of the principal Places that are situate within the Bounds of this Map, viz. 1. The Situation of Halifax, Draught of Chebucto Harbour, &c. 2. A PLan of the Town of Halifax. 3. A Plan of Quebec. 4. A Plan of the Port and Fortress of Louisbourg, with the English Works raised against it in 1745. 5. A neat View of the Town of Boston ...